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THB MIDDLE CL ±$SFjS AND THE J-U-^ M1U \^T ^??^ jv xxia, MULTITUDE.
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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breath is forbidden to leave the court * n . order that he may gain nothing by his folly . Wight , according to the French proverb , brings good counsel . It was not so with the irate judge . The next morning the persecuted juryman was not forthcoming to receive a fresh volley of . objurgation from the bench , and was fined £ 20 . for Ins absence from- a ceremony in which he had . been told the day before , he was unworthy / to take his part . This act of dignified justice being performed , the day ' s proceedings were opened by an indiscriminate assault on the reporters of the newspapers , for having hinted that barristers attena tne
ought either to refuse briets or wnen case is called on . The judge consoled his colleagues at the bar by two profound , though somewhat inconsistent reflections , that nobody ever read the rubbish in the newspapers , and that as lono- as there were readers who liked scandal there would be papers to invent it for them . We arc glad , indeed , to think that Baron Braniwell is impervious to newspaper criticism ; deeply should we regret anything that might quench the exuberance of his absurdities . In the present dearth of
theatrical talent we have no one on the stage who can personate Mr . Justice S 7 ialloiv , but the admirers of the Shakesperian drama need not despair as long as Upon the bench of justices there sits Mr . Baron Bramwell .
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VICTOR EMMANUEL AT MILAN " . Kino Victor Emmanuel quitted Turin for Milan amidst general rejoicing and applause , arising from the pleasure felt by , the Piedmontese at being united as one family with the Lombards . The latter are , on their parts , equally well disposed , and even more delighted than the Turinese at the union which , has been accomplished . The day on which the new Sovereign entered the city will ever be remembered at Milan with feelings of joy and exultation . The demonstrations made by the people were far different from those which they have been accustomed
to exhibit , ordered , prepared , and got up by authority . In this case they were the natural , spontaneous , fervid , and universal rejoicings which emanate from hearts really overflowing and heads really convinced . The Sovereign and the people reciprocally regarded each other " as father and family—liberator and liberated . During the past four centuries the state of Milan has been gravitating towards the monarchy of the House of Savoy . Amadeus VIII ., who became Sovereign Pontiff under the title of Felix V ., first conceived the idea in favour of his son Louis , on the
dismemberment of the state of the last Duke visconti . Perhaps , had Louis been more prompt , more economical and patient , less wavering and uncertain in his propositions , the duchy of Milan , or rather the kingdom of Looibardy , might have been spared three hundred years of servitude , following one hundred of revolutions , conquests , and « elea * f-This opportunity was , however , lost , and Milani ten under the power of Austria . Honry IV . of 1 ranee and his great minister , Sully , employed ten years in maturing a plan for the reorganisation of Italy and Europe , founded . upon $ ' »* mop * mactuated Napoloon IIL in
ciple an that which undertaking tho late war ; that of depriving Austria of her . preponderance a ^ V * i £ , r torafin an assemblage of governments independentoMove » gn states , and united among themselves . T * ^ ^ farr sttfa r ^ r So ; ' ^ i "? n , i ,, ? , VL under tho name of the Italian
feBSSS ^ sSgSS reooSnisodaa legitimate . Had it been powfblo to real-LeSs plan , for the oflbotuation of which the direct oo-opera K of Franco , England , Venice , Piedmond S ° v ° 5 on , and Denmark was promised , the > valloy of tl o Po would never have become , us it did subsequently , the battlo-flold of Europe . Impedimenta aroso , not on tho part of tho powers directly con-
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of soon witnessing a case across the Atlantic in which the preliminaries of seduction are settled between the gentleman ' s valet and the lady ' s Abigail , while the terms of the agreement are enforced by an action between their employers . In that case our parallel will be complete . Mr . Childers , before he ( or rather his agent , Mr , Leeman ) fell in the path of temptation , was poor , but honest ; humble , but virtuous . At the last election for Pontefract he had been defeated , but not disgraced . He had a good case against the sitting member : that case he was resolved to prosecute . Strong in the consciousness of his own integrity , sacrifice in the
he was prepared to endure every cause of parliamentary purity . The Ipetitipn was prepared , the witnesses were summoned , the counsel were engaged . It was then that , in an evil Lour , he came across the tempter Rose—and felL The inducements to frailty were so overpowering—the dereliction from the strict path of morality was so trifling—the prospect of immediate reparation was so tempting . If Mr . Childers would only consent to drop the obnoxious petition , to commit himself to Parliamentary dalliance with Mr . Overend , everything would happen according to his wishes . The expenses of a petition , of political courtship , would be avoided ; the ed and
possibility of a rejection would be remov ; a seat in Parliament would , ere long , affix the legislative stamp of legitimacy on any little irregularity in his maiden career . The tempter triumphed : the petition was withdrawn , and the chastity of Mr . Childers' political career was prostituted to considerations of base expediency . Then the wonted change occurred—the ardent wooer gave place to the faithless and callous swain . The day for the celebration of the promised nuptials was indefininitely postponed . The prospect of a seat was found to be an idle illusion . The idea of- repairing the injury committed was treated as absurd , and Mr . Childers awoke to the consciousness that he was not only seduced , but betrayed and
deserted . .. . ^ So the case remains . Mr . Childers has sued Mr . Overend for breach of promise , but as to what reparation he is likely to get we feel somewhat doubtful . liTo court on earth can restore to an errin ^ female her lost virtue . " No parliamentary decision can restore to Childers his withdrawn petition . . Sometimes in novels , if not in real life , the seducer repents of his misconduct , and fulfils the promise on tlie strength of which he triumphed over his victim ' s virtue . It is possible , in like manner , that Mr . Overend may amend his ways , fulfil his agreement , resign his seat , and legitilnatise Mr . Childers' equivocal position . It is possible , we say , but not probable .
CHILDERS versus OVEREND . . The general features in all cases of seduction are the same . The seducer is insidious , the seduced is simple . The narrow path of true love never may run smooth , but the broad road of false love is easy and well trodden . As long as the fair maiden has not parted with the treasure of her virtue , and lias not become a prey to the spoiler , everything is couleur de rose . As the : bribe for her consent to the desires of her lover , all sorts of
tempting bribes are held before her longing gaze . Matrimony is a matter of ultimate certainty , though postponed for a time to a more convenient season . The marriage ring is already ordered ; the fees are paid for the banns ; the wedding-cake is in the oven , and perpetual connubial bliss is to be '' . reward of confiding love . The moment that the maiden oeases to be coy and chaste , the scene changes . The marital ardour of the
wouldbe Benedict sufievs an unaccountable refrigeration . There is no immediate hurry for taking any steps about the marriage ; things are very well , in fact much better , as they are . All the talk about banns and cake and rings was mere lovers' trifling , never meant for , or supposed to mean , anything . The prospect of the church and the marriage lines becomes more and more dina , and at last fades away altogether in the hazy distance . Then there follow either altercations , mutual accusations of amorous infidelities , actions for breach of promise , charges of assault with intent , claims for lost services , and—well , some of us , know pretty well
to our cost what follows—and Mr . Childers , cxcandidatc for Pontefract , knows it also . In perusing the account rof Mr . Childers' wrongs and sufferings , of Mr . Rose ' s wiles , and Mr . Overcnd ' s fickleness , we kept constantly fancying that wo wore listening to the story of some fiuu Clarissa , who had lovad her Lovelace " not wisely , but too well . " The whole narrativo has a circuit flavour . Reminiscences of Mr . Edwin James and of the late Mr . Serjeant Wilkjns , those twin champions of outraged purity , against cold-hearted villany , crowd upon us . Manly indignation is aroused within ouv breast ; our excited imagination obtains tho mastery over our calmer judgment ; and tho well-known flowers of language about a blighted life , a lienvtli made desolate , and the last
refuge of the broken-hearted , rise unbidden to pur lips , even when the glamour . caused by those hallowed recollections Una passed away . Tho force of tho resQiubluuuo between tho case of Childors v . Ovorend and a trial for seduction remains unshaken . It is true , that in ordinary cases of this character the details as to tho contraot , or rather tho broach of contract , are 1 arranged between the principals who aro chiefly interested , whereas , in the present instance , Mr . Ohilders was betrayed by substitute and Mr . Overond scducod by proxy . Still , oven in our own times , our u grand seigneurs " have carried on their intrigues by deputy , and Mr . Rose seems to us eminently qualified tor the part of tho parliamentary Leporollo . Indeod , with tho rapid development that this class of social incidents is undergoing in America , wo are not without hope
Thb Middle Cl ±$Sfjs And The J-U-^ M1u \^T ^??^ Jv Xxia, Multitude.
secure good government - all feel to be indispensable to welfare . The bourgeoisie in France had , under Louis Phillippe , a long reign . They possessed the Government , but they and their King managed so as to forfeit all popularity ^ Never before were the middle classes so much , at variance with the multitude in France as when the power of the State was in their hands , and it was used mainly in their favour . In England , too , the middle classes have not become more closely united with the people since they obtained by parliamentary reform increased political power . Both the aristocracy and the clergy have frequently appealed to the people successfully against employers , and
have become in many cases the champions of the labourer . Here , as in France , under Louis Phillippe , the middle classes do not possess the confidence of the multitude . We only mention the faot , and leave the middle classes to ponder on it . If they separate themselves more and more from , the multitude , the result will be an increase of power in the hands of opponents who are still smarting' under defeat . England may have its despotism too , if the middle and lower classes cannot unite against the classes who are naturally the allies of despotism . We justly take a great interest in foreign nations , and while we hope that they may in some respect follow our example , let us take warning from them , and avoid those dissensions which ensure the . triumphs of the enemies of freedom . .... ' ¦¦
THE MIDDLE CLASSES AND THE MULTITUDE . A contemporary complains of the subserviency of the people of France and Italy to the Catholic priesthood , as creating an obstacle to the csta ^ blishment and improvement of constitutional government . The latter is what the intelligent middle classes have at heart abroad , and is there made impossible by the ignorance of the multitude and influence of the priesthood . On the Continent this body is the enemy of secular liberty , and the patron of despotism . On the Continent , therefore , the middle classes , seeking oonstitutional government , are defeated b y the bulk of tho people . The latter support despotism , the former demand quiet constitutional reform . This fact has its counterpart amongst ourselves . Our middle classes and the multitude are . at
variance . There is at least a groat difference betwixt them . '; they strive for different objects , though tlio ground of dispiito is not exactly the saino ns on the Continont . Both there and horo , however , the middle classes—tho immediate employers of tho bulk of the people , from whom they have sprung , and with whom they havo a common interest in putting an end to misrule , and obtaining cheap and eflbctivo government—are foiled by not receiving * tho support of tho lower classes . They have boon more desirous of talcing tho places of tho aristocracy than of extending froedbm . Thoy havo thought too much of thomboIvcb , and now they find thomsolvos somowhat contbmnod by the aristocracy , and not friendly with tho multitude . Suoh a position may be dangerous . Unless tho middle classes and the multitude can bo conciliated , thoy will be unable
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to obtain and the which ' ¦ Ha 401 ; Aug . 20 . 18591 THE LEADIEB . 96 a
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 20, 1859, page 963, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2308/page/15/
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