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*^ KOSSTJTH . ABUSER AT THE MAYOR OF BOUTSW * AMPTOS'S . On Saturday Ia 3 t tbe Mayor of Southampton enfert a inedM . KoSSUth at a dejeuner at hia private ^ -idence near this city , to meet the principal mem-!* of the corporation , and several gentlemen and fc voioig those present were Lord . Dudley Stuart , ,, p Mr . Cobden , M . P . ; Mr . J . R . CroBkey , the iiierican Consul ; M . Pulszky , and several Hun-Srian offieers ; Mr . Sheriff Payne , Aldermen f « isfaley . Brooks , Lankester , Tucker , and Patk . TJie Mi TOB » in a highly complimentary addres 3 , oroposed the health of the guest of tho evening , ft Tim illustrious Eo 3 snth . " 51 Kossntttheurose , and in excellent English
proceeded to address the assemblage as follows : — to . Major and Gentlemen , —In rising to thank von most sincerely for tho noble , kind , and genera » 35 eBtvmeflt 3 Vflachha'vel > een bo well expressed , gjd so heartily responded to , I experience emotions far too strong to permit of any display of eloquence . Besides , I was quite unprepared to meet so distinpaisbed an assemblage as that , which I have the honour of addressing . Sow , instead of any vain attempt to give yon an eloquent speech , perhaps jae better way will be to give you , in a plain untarnished manner , some information respecting the rreat cause " which I have so deeply at heart . [ Hear , hear . ) I wish the people of England to know the trae nature of the past troubles in Hungary ,
iit order that we may preserve the generous sentipeists already displayed towards us , and I believe that that can in no way be so well done as by a plain statement of facts , without any unnecessary Nourish or artificnl pomp of words . ( Hear , hear . ) Io understand fully the Hungarian question , it wili }) 3 necessary tossy a few words about Hungarian institutions . Tou all know that Hungary was for SiiO years a constitutional monarchy , and that alone j 5 no small indication as to tbe elements of strength eiistingin my nation . ( Hear , hear . ) When you reflect on the geographical position' of Hungary , snd reflect that the . Magyar race are Asiatic people , men thrust into the middle of European races , without friends and without kindred , you must
give credit for the firmness and inherent strength fhat maintained the national institutions ior bo | long a period . We were , in fact , surrounded by | despotic powers . On the one side was Turkey encroaching on us for centuries , and against which wj had for ages been considered the bulwark of Europe—not only of its civilisation , but of its Christianity—and on another was Russia—a power ffhicb , not for the benefit of mankind , has grown p rodigiously in influence during the last century . ( Hear . ) Qa the third side was Austria , not the : large empire it now is , but the proper dominions of thetllouse ofEapsbnrg , notoneof the sons of which , if history speaks truth , was ever the friend of [ political freedom . One of them , ' tis trueJoseph
, XL , was the friend of reli gious freedom , and of the social freedom of the peasantry . But even he , the iiest of the Austrian dynasty , was strenuously opposed to any extension of political privileges . Sbch was our position , then , surronnded by Turkey , Russia , and the dominions of the 1 Uoase of Hapsburg , and , besides all that , we had an internal state of things which lias always been considered a bar to national , greatness—namely , that the people of the country vere excluded from political privileges . Still , with all these difficulties , the Magyars preserved not caly their national life hut their national instituj tions . ( Hear , hear . ) Am I cot , then , justified in Eiviu * that in such a nation there are elements of a
. mure , and that such a nation deserves to have its I rights ? ( Loud cheers . ) 1 have already stated that ; the original people of the country had a share in I constitutionairijjhts . The constitution of Hungary vtas aristocratic , but an aristocratic constitution in Hungary was somewhat different to tho meaning which is attached to the word in England . In Hungary the word is not synonymous with power and wealth , but simply means position obtained by Mi . so that if a man were born noble , all his children and children ' s children would be noble also . What was the consequence ? 'Nations , like individuals , are subject to many changes , and the . descendants of the old nobles of Hungary did not remain great and powerful , but became so
propagated and diffused as to be nearly the people themselves , and poorer than the peasantry , because the aobles had the ambition not to work , as if labour were not the highest honour of humaiaty . ( Loud cheers . ) Therefore , we found that this poor aristocracy were not only in the condition of the people , but actually poorer , because not so industrials . But one prominent feature iu these facts 13 , that our aristocracy was not so opposed to the extension of constitutional rights as even tiie other aristocracies of the middle ages , and as was formerly the aristocracy of this country . Hut in Hungary the nobles were ' diffused among the people , mere agriculturists , landlords , or manufacturers and labourers , and therefore the word in
one case must lie taken with a meaning different from its acceptation in other counties . And , I fflust add , that although the people were not by tie ancient constitution allowed to speak for themselves , still weal wars found among tne aristocracy generous and valiant men—ready to stand forth as the champions of their country , and of the rights of humanity . ( Cheers . ) To enable them to do so , they had framed two institutions—one was what I may call the parliament of Eubgary , and the other was the county municipal institutions , which latter more than the parliament were the safeguards of the ri ghts of the people . Because these county institutions were so framed that they could be the only media through which the government coald convey
orders to the magistrates and other officers . These county meetings were composed of noblemen who resided in the counties , and in some counties amounted to twenty-five or thirty thousand , every one of whom had the right of voting at elections for magistrates , who were the only executive power of the country . Sncb meetings tad a right to discuss the ordersof government Tami more than one case has occurred , in which the order waa not forwarded to the magistrate for execution , but a remonstrance sent to the government ior sending it . They formed thus a strong barrier against the encroachments of the government ; and no country lias needed such a barrier more than Hungary . For more than three centuries the House of JIapsburg
aas . not had at its head a man who was a friend to political freedosa . ( Loud cheers . ) 3 fow , the House of Hapsburg has ruled in Hungary for these three centuries— -not by conquest , but by tbe free choice of the nation—not without conditions , but firmly hound by treaties , the chief feature of which was tbat when the king was admitted to power in the order of his lineal succession , he was to rule and govern Hungary by means of its own public institutions , and according to its own laws ; he swore solemnl y to do so , and prayed to the eternal God to Mess him and his race , as he was true to his oath . Thirteen kings we have had of this dynasty , and no man can charge me with exaggeration when 1 say that the rule of these thirteeii kings has been
a continuous peijury . ( Great sensation , caused by the wonderful energy which 31 . Kossuth threw into the delivery of this sentence . ) Yes , peij-jry , that 19 the word . ( lienewed Cheering . ) Gentleman , I am a plain man , and call things by their right names . ( Cheers and laughter . ) Sow , when the Hungarian nationeleetcdtheheadof tfie House of Uapsburgh as her sovereign , the country contained upwards of 4 , 000 German geographical square miles , which I , am informed , is equal to 100 , 000 tnglish square miles , and fifteen millions of people —¦ no small or insignificant realm , as you wili admit . ( Hear , hear . ) At that time , too , the House of Bapshurgh ruled constitutionally in all their other
provinces , but , subsequently , those provinces 1 ost thar rights ; and , through the whole of tte three centuries , the direction of the ambition of the House of Hapsburg has been to obtain undisputed , absolute dominion over all tbeir territories . Shortly before the Pesth struggle , there was not a single province of the Austrian empire that had a constitution , the ambition ot the House of Hap 3-Irarg having absorbed the constitutional rights of all . Our constitutional rights were not absorbed , because we did not belong to the Austrian empire , £ Or had we any connexion with it , except suctt aB that of Hanover with this country , -with ihis exception , that tbe line of succession was not limited in toe same manner . We administered a coronation
oath , setting forth thai there was to be no connexion between Hungary and any other province , and that , wMie we acknowledged the same sovereign , our rights were to be preserved , and we were to be Solely governed by . our own laws and customs . ( Hear , hear . ) We also provided that , in case the sovereignty should , iu the line of succession , fall iato the banda of a child , the same coarse should not be adopted as in the ease of Austria . In such a contingency , the reuent of Austria would be some elder member of tbe royal family ; bat we provided that a Hungarian Palatine should be appointed , eo a 3 that our constitutional rights should not be absorbed . These rights were also protected by our municipal institutions , which with an iclierentstreagth that never could be completely broken ,
steadil y resisted the encroachments of the crown . % these means we preserved through all encroachments some shadow of independence , but the Austrian government having obtained absolute power in their other provinces , took every means , from open violence to the most insidious frauds , to overthrow our municipal institutions . They fomented oar quarrels , undermined our national character , Impoverished our country , and corrupted our cobles . Our parliament , which cu ^ ht to be convened once in three years , was nut convened for twenty , and so arbitrary government went on , until at last we became aware that from 300 , ( 100 to 509 . 009 nobles would not be sufficient to defend the « ghts of the country from the despotic tendencies ° f Austria , From this point dales ppj struggles
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which have now lasted for about twenty-eight yeara . We decided that our best safeguard would be to inspire all the people with the sentiments of patriotism , by giving all an equal interest in constitutional rights . ( Loud cheers . ) That was tha direction of public opinion in Hungary in 1825 . We felt the necessity the more , because , althou ° h we had a board or council of government which by law was responsible to the country , and were bound not to carry into execution any order even of the sovereign , which was contrary to our laws , still we knew that there was no real responsibility in this council , because no corrupt body can be made to feel responsibility . Individuals may be made responsible , but when the government becomes collective responsibility vanishes . We saw therefore that our
rights and privileges were vanishing under the machinations of the Austrian government , in which Metternich was then all in all ; and feeling that 500 , 000 noble 3 could not effectually resist such encroachments , we proposed to give to the whole fifteen millions of our people an interest in constitutional rights , and a motive for defending them . The peasantry must form an important consideration in every country , but doubly so in Hungary , which was and is chiefly an agricultural country . The condition of our peasantry became then the first topic with our rtformers , who felt that our country , so highly gifted by nature , could never be made the earthly paradise it ought to be except by free labourers enjoying constitutional rights ; and , seeing that our peasant had to work for hia
landlord 104 days m the year , to which must be added Sundays , festivals , and winter , and had to give the ninth of . his produce to the seigneur , the tenth to the bishop , we felt that this was a condition contrary to human rights and tbe principles of justice . ( Loud cries of " Hear , hear . " ) The first thing , then , we did was to emancipate the people . ( Loud cheers . ) The reform , however , was only effected by slow degrees . In the Ions ; parliament , which sat from IS 32 to 1836 , it was proposed in the lower house , which consists wholly of elected members , that every peasant should have the right to make himself free of his feudal and seignorial burdens by paying off the capital of his dues . At first we proposed that this power should be independent of the will of the landlord , but were opposed by the
House of Lords , until at last , by the influence of government , it was reduced to the privilege of purchasing freedom with the consent of the landlord . That modified measure was carried by the Com . mons and lords , but was refused by the llegent , who was thus at issue with the people on this great question in 183 G . I should state that ' the members of the Commons voted as they were instructed by the comitats , and therefore it was towards the latter that the intrigues of the government were principally directed . They could not corrupt them by means of the Count Palatine , who being by office president of the House of Lords , could not intrigue with the county meetings , and therefore other persons were selected to carry into the county meetings every species of corruption .
( Hear , hear . ) They appointed an administrator in every eounty , who should never leavethe county , but be present at every meeting , control every act " , and corrupt every troublesome member , in order that the comitats might become at last the mere instruments and tools of government . It was this system that we opposed with all our strength of mind and body ; btit with no narrow view to the privileges of our own class We wanted these institutions to be independent ill order tbat we might reform our system for the benefit of the entire people . ( Cheers . ) But tbe more we developed our views of reform , the more actively the government set their administrators to work throughout the country , and that was our condition up to the diet of October or November 1847 , a year or so before the
French revolution . I wish to show tbatin Hungary we were not revolutionists—I am not blaming revolutions—but the Hungarians were engaged in no secret conspiracy , but at public meetings , and in an open and constitutional way , struggled manfully for their rights . ( Hear , hear . ) I myself had the honour to be elected a member of this parliament of 1 S 17 , for the metropolitan county of Pesth , when the government of the day did everything possible to prevent my election . The good sense of the nobles , however , carried me in triumph . ( Cheers . ) # rhe first question Iproposed , according to the instructions I had received from my constituents , was that our municipal institutions should be restored to their original purity , that the system of administrators should be abolished , and
that until these measures should be carried no taxes should bo voted . The Houses of Lords and Commons were at issue on this question , discussing it for upwards of two months , and remained in disagreement . I should mention that it was necessary that both houses should agree upon a measure before it was laid before the King , but there-was no limit to the communication between the two houses . The measure had not a majority in the Lords , because it contained so many functionaries appointed by government and persons aspiring to be functionaries , but still I have the gratification of knowing that it was supported by many of the most independent of the Lords of Hungary , amongst whom was my lamented and unfortunate friend Louis Batthiany . Still corruption went on ,
and I felt at last that our only course was to apply ourselves at once to the chief source of . evil . On the head of the King of Hungary rests two crowns , tbe One constitutional and the other absolute , and these two could never agree together . Which ultimately prevails in the ; struggle history tells in many a dark page . I proposed , therefore , tbat as the House of Hapsburg declined to restore the rights of Hungary out of deference to the people of Vienna , it was our duty , as the elder brother in the national family , that the people of Vienna should also get franchises . I believe tbat no just man trill say I was wrong in that proposition , which was universally accepted . I was not planning revolution ; that- is an accusation which I know will find no echo in the breast of
any just or generous man . ( Loud cheers , ) My speech on the subject was read in all the coffeehouses at Vienna , news of the French revolution arrived , and the Viennese rose . That was the Austrian revolution , and I mnsb frankly own that I immediately decided not to ' . be carried away by the excitement of the time , but to take the reins of government into my own hands , and to avail myself of the opportunity God had given , not Hungary made . ( Cheers . ) The first thing I proposed was the emancipation of the peasantry , and of course , under the circumstances , it was carried unanimously by both houses . ( Hear , hear . ) Still I was anxious not to hurt the interests of any person , but rather to spare those , who though not quite national in their origin , had yet , in course of time become
interlaced with the fortunes of a great many people . I proposed , and my proposal was adopted , tbat peasants should be free from all duties , free without . paying—liberty is not a thing to be paid for . ( Cheers . ) But I proposed at the same time that the seigneurs should get indemnification not from the peasant but from the land . Our country has large resources , which by good management would be more than enough to give full and entire com " pensation to the nobles . I engaged my honour and my oath to give this indemnification , and it was carried in parliament . ( Hear . ) As I stated before , the poor people had every duty but no rights , and I proposed that rights should at once be conceded , and that every man possessing the franchise should , according to his meaus , contribute to the
public necessities . This was carried unanimously . The third plan was , that the people should be admitted immediately to all rights of franchise , not only as to the election of members of parliament , but also for magistrates and other public functionaries . But now when all the people were admitted to the franchise , half a million of persons could not be convoked on our plan , and therefore 1 proposed that every communityshouldselectaperson to represent them . These were my principles , ( Cheers . ) We proposed further that as councils of government could not be made responsible , the executive should be managed by members responsible to parliament . These were the proposals which were carried out , with several others , with the details of which I shall not detain you . We established a
responsible ministry , emancipated the peasantry , ordaiued that the nobles should participate with tbe peasantry in all public duties , and that all should have the franchise both for members of parliament and for county meetings . These laws usere brought by a deputation headed by the Archduke Palatine , up to Vienna . He asked , in the name of the future of Hungary , and of the peace of Austria , that these terms should be granted . We were ordered to bring our claims beiore the Emperor of Austria , and also to ask him to give to our fettered brethren of Austria their rights . At that time there was doubt and hesitation in every country except this , which , having made one glorious
resolution , finds the principles then established sufficient to c ^ rrv out every necessary change . Here , then , everything was quiet , while on the continent all wa 3 movement . The government hesitated to concede these just claims . I went myself to the Imperial Palace , and told the Emperor that if he persisted , I could not guarantee what would be the consequence , with these movements in Europe , and when the people of Hungary saw their just claims resisted . They told mo the claims would be conceded if Vienna could only be kept quiet , and that it should not appear as if the House of Hapsburjf had been compelled to be just . It was one of those curious examples of the vicissitudes of human
life , in which myself , an humble sou of modest Hung ary , was in a position to hold the destinies of the House of Hapsburg and all it 3 crowns in these hands . ( M . Kossuth here made a powerful impression by the energy of his manner , stretching out loth his hands as he finished the sentence . ) 1 said , "Be iusi to my fatherland , and I will give peace and tranquillity to Vienna . " They promised to be just aud before twenty-four hours I gave peace and tranquillity to Vienna —( loud cheers)—and before the Eternal God , who will make responsible my 5 VPi ^ bef . ore history the jaaepenaent judge of
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events—I have a right to say , that the House o Hapsburg owea its existence as a dynasty to me % ( Tremendous cheering . ) At last the sanction o the government was given to these laws , but while we were receiving the promises of the Emperor in one room , the Archduchess Sophia , the mother of the present king and sister of the last , was in another plotting with Metternich how to get rid of these promises . ( Hear , hear . ) In a few weeks the King came toPresburg , wbeii I was first minister , an office which I was forced to accept . For I can appeal to the public knowledge of roy nature , of my enemies , and of my friends , that I always considered power as a burthen . Before we went to Vienna for sanction to the law appointing responsible ministers , I addressed the people of Presburg , 1
took my poor friend Louis Batthiany —( M . Kossuth was here affected to tears)—by the hand and said to the people , " don ' t cheer me , he must be the first president of Hungary . " He declined unless I would enter office with him , and thus I was forced to enter . ( Hear , hear . ) In a few days after the Serbs revolted , stilted up as it appeared by the Camarilla of Vienna . They took for pretext tbat by ancient diplomas , that part of Hungary which they occupied to the amount of two or three thousand people liad been given to them . Nobody denied this , but they insisted that it should be politically separated from Hungary and form » separate banat . Now , although this bannt in which they lived contained 1 , 300 , 000 people , the Serbs number only 300 , 000 , who speak the Wallachian tongue , the
remainder of the people speaking German . The government of which I was a member seeing that there must be some plot in all this , considered that we were bound to suppress this revolt . Besides I should state that one of the chief political manoeuvres of Metternich was to oppose one nation by means of another . One army was drawn out of the land , part in Bohemia , and part in Italy , while we had in Hungary Germans , Croats , Poles , and Wallacks . At tbe head of this revolt was tbe Ban of Croatia , and they finished by declaring their independence . We , the Hungarian ministers , entreated the King to give his consent to convoke the parliament , in order that means might be obtained to suppress the revolt . I , the minister of Hungary nominated by the King , stood beside the Archduke
Palatine when he gave the order . ( Hear , hear . ) TheKingfltd to Inspruck , and a deputation went there , iuvitiog biin to come to Buda , and rely on the loyalty of the people . We promised to defend him agaiust all the world—and the Hungarians have proved that they can defend what they have promised to defend . ( Cheers . ) I also stood beside the Archduke Palatine when he read the solemn edict of the King , condemning the machinations of the Croats and Serbs , and stating that he bad given orders to his ministers in Hungary to put down the revolt . In the same edict he called upon his faithful parliament of Hungary to levy an army , and to provide means to carry on the war . I it was who proposed it to parliament , but I had hardly said a few words when I was stopped in my speech , and the
supplies granted at once . While these matters were going on , news arrived from Italy that the Battle of Coatanza had been won , and that the government of Vienna were now in a position to consider the means of crushing Hungary . A proclamation was issued asking Jellachich , who had been proclaimed a traitor by the king , to go against Hungary , calling him a friend . Surely there is not an honest man in the world who wilt not condemn that . ( Hear , hear . ) Jellachich came on with 30 , 000 men ; but we beat him , taking two armies and one general , our only force being the undisciplined ' people armed with scythes . He then asked for a truce , and two days were given him , and in tbe meantime he broke his word and escaped . We followed him . I was then President of the Council
the ministry having resigned in consequence of the dissolution of parliament before the arrangement of the budget , which was against the constitution , which provided that the parliament should not separate without arranging the budget . In addition to this violation of constitutional rights , the king makes his alter ego , giving to him the power to govern Hungary , of Jellachich , the man whom he had proclaimed as a traitor . We said we would not take the traitor as a governor , and that the parliament could not be dissolved , because it had voted no budget . We declared that the order for dissolution had not been Bigned by the responsible officer , and that , therefore , the parliament must sit . I had then the honour to be President of the Provisional Government , and I ordered Jellachich , who had
escaped towards Vienna , to be followed , When he c-iiae to the frontiers of Austria , I sent commissioners to the government , demanding from the general of the Austrian army that they should respect the laws of neutrality towards us , and not give any shelter to the revolted . But they not only protected him , but permitted him to join in tbe operations of the si ege of Vienna . These two armies came to Hungary under Windischgratz , calling us rebels and slaves . Wo struggled , and fought battles—history tells how . ( Loud cheers . ) -But still ono thmg I must add , that although we were victors , defeating the imperial armies in several battics—although the Emperor of Austria had issued ! i proclamation on theith M-rch , 1340 , in which , relying oil the false report of a general " of victory
that never occurred , he declared , by a single scratch of his pen , that the nationality of Hungary was blotted out , that its constitution was to be torn up , and that henceforth Hungary was to be incorporated with the Austrian empire , to be ruled by hid good will and pleasure—notwithstanding all this , I say , still we did not proclaim a rupture with the House of Hapsburg until I received certain intelligence that Russian intervention had been decided upon and accepted . ( Hear , hear . ) And I am sorry to add that we also got information that against this intervention we had no help to expoet anywhere . ( M . Koasuth was here deeply affected , and burst into tears . ) Then I considered the matter in my conscience , and came to the conclusion that either my nation muat submit to overthrow ,
and to an end of its life , without even trying to save ourselves , or if we were not cowards and base enough to commit such suicide , some reward was necessary to justify the struggles and sacrifices of the people ; and I proposed that if we were to contend against two great empires—if there was nobody to help us , nobody to prevent Paskewitsoh , as he had promised , treading on the neck of Hungary—if we were to struggle for our liberties , as we had once struggled for the Christian liberties of Europe—then Iproposed as a reward , the independence of Hungary , and my proposal was accepted . ( Loud cheers . ) That is a statement of what occurred , and you all kuow what waa the result . How we fared , let me not say ; it is too deep mat ter for sorrow . This much only will I sav , that
although forsaken by the whole world , I am to this day confident that we would have been a match for the combined forces of the two despotic powers , but it is my fault and my weakness , as the governor of Hungary , having the lead in this great movement , I had not art enough to fight with equal arms the duplicity of Russia ; you know how he introduced treason into our counsels . Had I only been prepared for this treason , all would certainly not have failed . ( Hear , hear . ) But the result of what has occurred is , that the House of Hapsburg , as a dynasty , exists no more . It merely vegetates at the whim of tho mighty Czir —( a lau » h ) -to whom it has become the obedient servant . ( Hear , hear . ) But if the peepleof England only decided that llussiashould not set her foot on- the neck of Hungary—if they would only resolve to say "Stop " to Kussia , and nothing move , we might still be happy . Hungary would have knowledge ,
patriotism , ' loyalty , and courage enough to dispose of its own domestic matters , as it is the sovereign right of every nation to do .. ( Hear , hear . ) This is the cause for which I ask your generous sympathy , and which I am enabled to lay before you here through the generous hospitality of the Mayor of Southampton . He has acted the part of a kind and generous friend to one so undeserving as myself . He was a father to the unfortunate , and the protector of suffering humanity . Happy the realm where such a man can rise from the people by his own perseverance , his own integrity ) hia own energy . It is the glory of England that such a man rising in such a manner can enjoy the honour and confidence of his country meu . Let me , then , while expressing my humble and everlasting thanks for the kind sentiments entertained towards me , propose to you , with the deepest affection , tho health of tbe Mayor of Southampton . ( Cheers . )
The Mayor returned thanks , and gave the healths of Lord D . Stuart , Mr . Cobden , and the liberal members of parliament . Al . Kossoih interrupted the proceedings for a moment to explain that in . Hungary , there was no aristocracy of race , but simply one of birth , lhe Magyars , who numbered about eight milliens , had noblemen manufacturers and peasants among them the same as the other races . Lord D . Stuabt briefly returned thanks . Jut Cobden having also replied , The Mayor then gave " the Health of Mr Oroskeythe American Consul at Southampton .
, Mr . Choskbi was anxious that the movement m favour of Sossuthin this country should be entirely British , and therefore he should say but little . He was desirous that be should land on the shores oi America with the spontaneous support and sympathy of the entire British people . He trusted his reception in America would be a national one , such as on a former occasion they gave to Lafayette . The present meeting was he thought the best answer that could be given to the detractors of that great and good man . He fully concurred in the doctrine of his honourable friend Mr . Cobden as to
the propriety of non-interference , but a time plight come when America would , like England , be induced to take a more active part in European politics , and he hoped they would come introduced by the great English people . If that interference waa firm and uneompYoBVisrog it would probably deter any European despot for the future from attempting to put down the liberties of nation ? . ( L ° U 4 WWtS , )
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Lord Dcni *? Stuart proposed " Health and Prosperity to the Corporation of Southampton , cou P llDg rt with the Health of Mr . Leishley . " vT' * ntKui x' * briefly returned thanks . M . Kossuth begged to take the opportunity of agam thanking his English and American friends for their cordial sympathy on behalf of his xinhappy country . He complimented England upon her monarchical and liberal institutions , and America upon her Well-earned independence and constitutional republicanism . The name was ; nothing ; it was the nature of the institutions and the spirit of the people , which gave them their true value . There were differences of position , of history , and of internal government which rendered one kind of institution acceptable to oue peopleand another form
, of government to another , but the spirit of all was the aamo , if the people were to be free ; and that was tne principle which if established upon a solid basis , as in England and the United States , was indispensable to freedom , social order and the welfare of the people . ( Loud cheers . ) As regarded his unfortunate country , he trusted in God and in the generous sympathies of the free people of that country . If they could only ensuro the acknowledgment of the sovereign right even of the people to dispose of themselves , the independence of Hungary would be secured . The health of " Mrs . Andrews , " "Madame Kosauth , "tho Press , " " the Town-clerk of Southampton , and other toasts were afterwards given , and the company separated shortly after six o'clock .
On Friday Madame Pulszky presented to Madame Kossutb , two cases of jewels which had been smuggled through from Hungary , the sole remnants it 13 said , of Madame Kossuth ' s fortune . It is denied by M . Kos 3 uth ' a friends that he received any nionoy from the United States . M . Ivosauth attended divine service at the cathedral in an unostentatious manner on Sunday forenoon , going and returning by a quiet route to avoid sight-seers and lion-hunters . He did not receive many visits throughout the dav . as he was too
weary for the task . Tho number of letters addressed to him is very great , particularly from France , and hundreds are lying about his room which he has not had time to open , in spite of his assiduity and perseverance . M . Kossuth left Winchester at half-past nine on Monday for tho train to London , which he visited in order to consult some eminent physician as to the state of his health , which has been much impaired by captivity , and to spend a few hours with his family .
BIRMINGHAM . A meeting of the Hungarian Committee was held on Saturday night ; it was announced that the signatures of a very large number of persons had been obtained in the invitation to ho given to Kostaith to pay a visit to this town . The list of signatures embraces persons of all ranks , and ( excepting the ultra-Tories ) without any distinction of party or sect . It is understood that the illustrious Magyar has intimated his willingness to visit Birmingham if it was the general wish that he should do so , and that he will be enthusiastically received in the most democratic town in England there cannot be a doubt . ¦
GLASGOW , The following is the reply which Kossuth has sent to the chairman ot the meeting at Glasgow who voted the great Magyar an address , and which address was presented to Ivossuth by the Mayor of Southampton , Tho address has already appeared in our columns : — '' Winchester , Oct . 25 . " Sir , —I have the honour to acknowledge with many thanks the receipt of an address lately adopted by a public meeting of the citizens of Glasgow , of which you were chairman . I beg to accept personally , and to convey to your fellow citizens , the expression of my warm appreciation both of the personal kindness you express and of the
distinguished public spirit which characterises your address . It is with peculiar satisfaction that I notice the stress more than once emphatically laid by you upon the martyrdom which liberty has suffered through the incursion of the hordes of Eussia into < i land which has succeeded through many ages in maintaining her free institutions against those who have attacked them . It is too true , indeed , that it is to the interference of Russia that Hungary owes the condition in which she now finds herself ; but I bail your allusion to the ' Voice in the west , ' as an earnest that no intervention of any foreign power , so unjustifiable and dangerous to the dearest interests of all free states , will on any future occasion be permitted by your nation—a nation so
deeply interested in tho maintenance of free institutions . You allude to my own efforts in the past , and to the future , which lies before my country . In what I have done , I have striven to fulfil the duties which devolved upon me , so far as my powers enabled mo to do . For tbe future , I look to it with hope , with a sure confidence . My countrymen have learned the value of the institutions which they have inherited through centuries , and which have been extended within late years to overy olasa and race within the bounds of Hungary . The institutions which all havo thus learned to value , and the whole body of my countrymen is ready to reassert , and the time will not be long , I trust , before the hour for that rc-assertion shall come . " I have the honour to be , Sir , with every sentiment of consideration , your obedient servant , " L . Kossbtii . " STAFFORD . The following is the reply which Kossuth has sent to the chairman of the meeting at Stafford Which voted an address to'the Hungarian leader , and which address was presented to KoeSuth by the Mayor of Southampton . ThiB address has also appeared in our columns : — " Winchester , Oct . 25 . "Sir , —I take the earliest opportunity of acknowledging through you , the address which the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Stafford have done me the honour of presenting to me , adopted at a public meeting held in that town on the 8 th September , and si » n ^ d by yourself as chairman . Ifcis with feelings of ( I hone ) a generous pride that
I acknowledge the truth of the testimony you bear to the achievements of my countrymen in the late struggle—a struggle in which we were successful until the intervention of one of the great powers of Europe took place in a manner alike unexpected by us , and dangerous as a precedent to alt those nations which cherish free institutions , and are prepared to rely on their own efforts to maintain them . I feel also that it is a trust which it is of the highest importance should be recognised , that in succumbing as our country has done to the intervention of Russia , we have fallen ' martyrs to the cause of Europe . ' No free nation cau do otherwise than have it forced upon its attention by the events that have now become a part of history , that if the institutions which it enjoys are to be maintained against danger of
attack , it must actively pronounce itself against the recurrence of such interventions as that to which Ilungary has fallen for the time a victim . We struggled for no vague ideas , we were unwillingly forced to take up arms to defend for ourselves and for our children , against oppression and annihilation , those institutions and those liberties which our fathers have inherited and maintained and handed over to us through many centuries and the advantages of which we had already succeeded in extending in a peaceful aud legal manner to the whole body of our countrymen , a circumstance which as it has already attached all classes in Hungary to the cause for which we struggled , fills me with hope that those to whom such institutions hare thus become justly endeared , will yet hail the dny of tlieir country ' s restoration to freedom and independence . " I have the honour to be , Sir , with every sentiment oi consideration , your obedient servant , "L . KoBsran . MEETING IN PIXSBUIIY . A general meeting of the inhabitants of the borough of Pinsbury took place on Monday evening at the British Institution ^ Gowpev ^ trcet , for this purpose of agreeing on an address of welcome to Kossuth . The spacious hall was crowded to excess , and the proceedings were characterized by the utmost enthusiasm an < i unanimity . At eight o ' clock Mr . O'Cennor entered the hall , and was received ' with great applause . Tho chair was occupied by Dr . Brookes , who said it was desirable that there should he no sectional feeling on this subject , ' but thataday and place should be appointed ho which all the addresses might be presented . ( Hear , hear . ) This would be a proof of unanimity and magnanimity , which would have mOl' 6 effect on the Austrian government than any display of armies . ( Cheers . ) While honouring the love of liberty in the Hungarians , they ought not to forget it at home . ( Hear , hear . )
The Secretary road letters of apology for nonattendance from Lo > d Dmlk-y Stuart , G . W . M . Reynolds , T . Suncoinbe , Ernest Jones , and Sir . Perry : some dissatisfaction was expressed at Mr . Wahley not having answered their invitation . : Mr . Webheh moved the first resolution , greeting with pleasure the arrival of Kossuth , whom they recognised as the only legal governor of Hungary , expressing their . ' alihoVrrncc of the treachery of Georgy , and their lament that tbe people had not possessed tho power as well as the will to render
more efficient aid to Ilungary during her struggle . The resolution concluded by expressing a hope that the independence of Hungary would be yet secured by the governments of England and America compelling a strict enforcement of the principle of nonintei'vention . Mr . Webberrejoiced in an occasion like thepresent , the tendency of which was to unite . all Liberals in a demonstration of their love for freedom , and to convince the government that no half " measures of reform would satisfy the people . ( Cheers . ) They wanted liberty for themselvesself-emancipation ; and they could obtain this For themselves . ( Hear , hear . ) He moved a resolution hailing the arrival of the patriot Kossutluu Eng-
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land as the representative of the Hungarian nation snd its only legal governor , and lamenting that the people of England , not being represented in parliament , had not the power , as they had the will , to make an armed interference in favour of Hungarianinderendence . ( Cheers . ) Mr . O' Cosnob seconded the resolution . He had never attended a meeting which gave him greater pleasure . He had a fellow fueling with Kossuth , for he had been eight times tried , and had been imprisoned for the cause of liberty . " The b y old Times '" attacked the honest and brave men of London for the manner . in whiehthey treated the ruffian Haynau . If he ( Mr . O'Connor ) had been with those brave brewers' men , ho should scarce have let the wreteh depart with his life . A man
who could tear women and children limb from limb , and throw their remains to the dogs , was not , and should not be treated as a human being . No man atruguled more gloriously for his country than Koa&uth , He trusted that tho people would show such sympathy with him as would enable him speedily to return in triumph to his native land . Hungary was the Ireland of Austria . Ireland has seen a million and a half of her population destroyed since the taking of the last census . In England they had plenty of idle land and idle labourers , and yet the people were starving for want of food . Let them look to Balgium . There every inch of . land , oven up to tbe factory foundation-stone , was well cultivated . In tbe llouse of Commons he had told them the plain truths , which were received with
groans and shouts . They declaimed ag .-unst vice and drunkenness , and yet raised a large proportion of revenue from the sale of intoxicating drinks . Their arclibirhops , bishops , and clergy , had an income of ten millions a year , although the Bible caught them that "it was ' easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than for a rich man to cntsr the kingdom of heaven . " If they hadthechoiie to give up the ten millions on condition of going to heaven , ho believed they would rather- retain it and go to hell . Men were not naturally depraved , as the priestB taught thorn . Give him ( Mr . O'Connor ) a child of a prostitute two years old , and he could bring it up to be prudent and virtuous : and
oivo him a child of . the Queen , and he could liriag it up in vice and immorality . He . told the House of . Commons that he . cared not who was on tlie throne , a King , a Pope , or n Pretender , provided the power behind the throne was greater than tbe throne itself . This was called treason . The Queen possessed bub the same feelings and faculties as -. mother woman . Women were not allowed to give . 1 vote for a member of parliament , or to sit in the House of Commons ; wa 3 it not , then , an anomaly that a woman should reign over them ? He scarce dared give vent to his feelings on the subject of the meeting , lest he might be entrapped into speaking treason . Kossuth had sacrificed his all for the
good of his country—he was now an honoured gnest on then- shores ; and he trusted they would welcome him with the enthusiasm he deserved . He ( Mr . O'Connor ) badalaosacrificed his princij > lesand his country . Ireland had been more oppressed than even Hungary—but he trusted yet to see them loth prosperous and free . Mr . O'Connor concluded by proposing three cheers for Hungary , and three groans for the " Times , " which were given with a hearty good will . M >* . li . O'Brien supported the resolution , and congratulated the meeting on the fact that all which the " Times" could do to injure Kos 9 Uth made no impression on the groat mass of the people , whether working or middle classes . After the present enthusiastic expression of public
opinion , no future government would dare to wink at Russian interference . ( Cheers . ) It had been urged against Kossuth that he had stolen the crown of Hungary—no great crime probably—( laughter)—but the charge turned out to be false , as did others of the same time . It was a startling fact , that the continental powers had now three millions of regular troops , or hired assassins —( hear , hear)—and the " Times" was applauding the despots for keeping the regiments up to their full complement . He firmly believed it was the intention of the European despots to destroy every vestige of liberty among the working classes throughout the continent . Ifthese men once stepped a . foot across the frontier of France , it should be a signal for tho democrats of all Europe to fly at
once , not at these hired butchers , but at their sauguinary employers . ( Immense cheering . ) He was for non-intervention . When a people were ripe for arresting power from tlieir oppressors , he was not for getting up a propaganda to assist them ; he was for letting them alone , confident they would perform tlieir work . But he was not for letting a horde of hired assassins from another land come to assist the despots against the people . This was the doctrine which Kossuth had propounded since he had been among them . Hungary was able to fight her own battles . All he claimed was , that the principle of non-intervention
should be strictly carried out . If Russia interfered , then it would bo the duty of England to immediately step in to the assistance of Ilungary ; that would be true honour and policy . It was the duty Of the people to drive Lord Palmerston to adopt this policy , and allow no interference with the efforts of any European power to achieve their freedom ; but he thought he had been deceived , and was certain that he did not thoroughly understand the position and feelings of the great bulk of the English people . When Kossuth crossed tlie Atlantic he would i 111 bide fresh sentiments , and would then act with more energy in the interest of the people .
Mr . IJezbr addressed himself to the subject of the resolution , and was much applauded . Mr . Dick supported the resolution . The resolution was carried unanimously . Three cheers were given for tlie Sultan , and the meeting separated .
BANQUET TO KOSSUTH IN SOUTHAMPTON . M . Kossuth , accompanied by M , Pulslli , Lord Dudley Stuart , Captain Townsend , Hon . Mr . Walker , Lord Charles Fitzroy , Mr . Wilcox , M . P . for Southampton , the Mayor of Leicester , and several otlior gentlemen , arrired on Tuesday by the two o ' clock train , and were received by the Mayor and Town Clerk of Southampton , Air . Borrett , J . P ., and some other members of the corporation , as a deputation from the town . M . Kos 9 uth and party proceeded at once to the house of the American Consul , and partook of a dejeuner ; after which he proceeded to the town residence of the Mayor , to receive addresses . During his short stay at Mr . Croskey ' s , an offer was made on the
part of the American Ocean Steam PacKet Company , of a froe passage to America , for M . Kossuth and family . About five o ' clock the party proceeded to tho town-residence of the Mayor , where an immense crowd awaited the arrival of the distinguished stranger . Deputations were there received from Sheffield , Durham , Sunderland , and one or two other places , to all of which M . Kossuth returned short verbal replies , and proceeded in the Mayor ' s carriage to the banquetting-room . So great was the crowd that filled tlie streets that the Mayor and 'M . Kossuth were obliged to alight at some short distance from the hall , and make the rest of theiv way on foot , amid the most enthusiastic cheering from the people .
TUE BANQUET . The banquet took place in the ancient Town Hall , which was handsomely decorated for the occasion . A large portion was allotted to the ladies , and was handsomely decorated with flags and flowers . A seat of honour was provided for the Mayoress , who was accompanied by Mias Groskey , tho daughter of the American Consul . A magnificent dinner for 200 was provided , and it is hardly necessary to add that the room was densely crowded—indeed , so great was the public interest on tbe occasion , that five guineas were offered for
tickets in the course of the morning . His worship tlio Mayor presided in his robes of office , having tho mace before him . On the right of the Mayor were M . Kossuth , Lord D . Stuart , the Honourable R . J . Walker , Mr . Wvld , M . P ., Mr . Alderman Wire , Ml . Gilpin , &o . Ot \ the left were Colonel J Pi Lawrence , ( attache to the United States Lega- tion , son of the American Minister , who was detained in town by the indisposition of Mrs . Abbot Lawrence , ) Lord C . Pitzroy , Sir J . C . Lillio , Mi . Croskey ( United States Consul , in his Consular uniform , ) M . Pulsky , General Vetter , &c . ; Mr . F . O'Connor , M . P ., Mr . Harris , M . P ., & .
The cloth having been removed , the Mayor gave " The Queen" and " Prince Albert , " which were well received . Letters apologising for non-attendance , on tho ground of ill health , were read from Mr . Abbott Lawrence , the American Minister , and Air . J . Townsend . The following toasts were then given in succession , and responded to : — "The Sublime Porte and the Sultan of Turkey , " " The President of the United States , '' "Lord Palmerston and Her Majesty ' s Ministers . " On the toast of the evening being givfen , the Mayor , in a fervent and much cheered speech , said , my friends , we have seen a contrast which must have been fresh in youimemory , of a foreigner , distinguished , did I say , landing on your shores , with a splendid sword hanging by hi 3 side , and his breast covered with stars and medals for his villany in flogging one of
the weaker sex , an act which woulu disgrace a savage—I mean the brute Haynau . ( Groans . ) He was hunted and driven b y the true English-hearted draymen to seek refuge in the dust-hole of a pothouse . But our noble illustrious guest , drawn by the cords of love , affection , and sympathy , is welcomed by a great majority of the people of Eng . land . ( Hear , hoar . ) This must be as gratifying to our honoured guest as it is to us all . ( Cheers . ) There i&no doubt the Czar and Kaiser have heard of the disgraco of HaynaU , and no doubt they will soon hear with great terror oi tbo triumph of Kossuth . ( Cheers . ) Our illustrious guest has come here , not with the blade of the eword victorious , but he came here with it unbroken and untarnished either oy dishonour or defeat . ( Hear , bear . ) He had evejs- drawn it on the side of that which is good , W \< 1 k fcnaever used ft ia defence of bis couuiry ' s
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freedom . ( Loud cheers . ) He has ever accompanied its exercise with words of peace and progress , of hope and comfort ; for he is aa eloquent in words as be is great in aotion , as powerful in deeds as he has been magnanimous in defeat . I give you " The Health of his Excellency Louis Kossuth . " It is impossible to describe the enthusiasm with which this Bpeech was received . The company rose and stood for several minutes cheering . The ladies waved their handkerchiefs , and the object of all MH 3 popularity stood wiib his arms folded on his breast , and indicated his gratitude by boffins : repaatedly . M . Kossutji rose , and was received with a fresh burst of cheering . Having expressed his thanks to the Mayor and corporation tor their generous welcome
, he said , God has awarded two blmingsfor those he has ¦ determined to favour : bliss in heaven , and freedom on earth . ( Loud cheers . ) May jour noble English nation bo ever gifted with both these blessings . ( Loud cheers . ) No man who is aware of the importance of his destiny , can live satisfied without freedom , but he to whom God has granted freedom has got everything , if ho has got the mind and the will to use his freedom to the development of his own and hia fellow creatures' happiness , with such consistency of purpose as the English people have exhibited . ( Cheers . ) During all my life I have ha ! one Bingle leading idea—liberty . ( Loud cheers . ) The aim of my existence was to secure the blessings of that liberty to niy people , although
knew those blessings but instinctively . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , when I behold England , and see how liberty enables men to beautify nature , how should I not feel doubled in my determination to endure , to work , to struggle , and , if it , must be , to die , that my people may become free—that people of whom I say thevo lire none who bettor deserve to become free ? ( Loud cheers . ) But , besides the blessings of freedom , it is also a glory allotted to you , your proud position is to be able not only to bear goodwill to those who do not enjoy the happiness of freedom , but also to have a helping hand always ready for your more unfortunate brethren . ( Cheers . ) That a the glory of England , and in your national capacity you have illustrated the words of our
Saviour , ¦ ' Love thy neighbour , as thyBoif . " ( Cheers . ) It is only so I can explain the great phenomenon that I seo around me , where so many rnen of different rank and station , but all united in tbo lovo of liberty , join to express their sympathy for that principle of liberty of which they choose to consider mo the humble representative . " ( Cheers . ) It is only t ! ius I can explain the great phenomenon that even that honourable class whose entire capital is the labour of thuir bands , stop in their work , and sacrifice tlieir time , to say , with that noble internal instinct of a people before which every individual purpose must bow , that' the great principle of liberty can reckon upon the people of England . ( Cheers . ) And well may the working classes of
England be identified with the great principle oi liberty , because , without liberty there is no lastingsooial order . It is indispensable that every man should in full security eiijoy tho fruits of his own labour . Without liberty , obedience to tho law cannot be insured , because when the lawgiver is a tyrant and a despot , obedience to tho law reposes only on fear , but when the lawgivers are the people themselves , they will obey tho laws , although they may be on « pressivc , because they know that within themselves is the power of modification . ( Hear , hear . ) Therefore I say that without liberty there is no obedience to law . Without liberty there is no field for the productive labour of those who work . Without liberty there is no
security for person and proporty . ( Hear , hour . ) The blessings of this liberty may be allotted to other peoples , to enjoy it under such government , as may sut their wants and wishes . It is not without reason this sympathy with liberty , not only because there is a moral solidarity in the destinies of the world , but also when the productive labour oi a country produces more than it can consume , such a . country must have free intercourse and uninterrupted communications with other , countries ( Hear ) This free intercourse , tbis uninterrupted interchangeof produce , is summed up in the wordsfree trade . ( Hear ) "Now , I bes ; to ask the question , ia this idea of free commerce realised by the fact of free imports into England ? I believe there is yet
another part to the idea very important , very vital , and that is the free cxportiitiou of that which tbe industry of England produces . ( Hear , hear . ) But free exportation has no meaning , if that which 19 exported cannot find a free market ; in other parts of the world . Therefore , I say that not without reason the people of England sympathise with tho principles of liberty , because without the liberty of Europe there can be no free trade . ( Uear , hear . ) All despots fear free trade , because liberty of commerce is the moat powerful vehicle for the extension of civilisation . ( Cheers . ) No single community can enjoy welfaro and happiness except on the condition that the interests of the community are in harmony with the interests of
individuals . The principle of all evil on the European continent is the despotic and encroaching spirit of the Russian power , ( Hear , hear , and loud cheers . ) There is tho pillar wliicll supports every body who wishes to establish his way on the sufferings of his nation , and to raise himself upon the ruins of liberty . ( Hear , hear . ) There is tho rock which breaks every sigh for freedom on Europe's continent . It was not without reason , then , that I said , tbat the principle of all evil upon the continent was Russia . ( Hear , hear . ) These words aro so true that even Jesuitism , which , in these last times commences again to raise its head , finds its support in tho power of Russia . ( Hear , hear . ) We aro in tbo neighbourhood of a great nation ,
which mourns enough at not enjoying the fruits of its many sorrows and sufferings ! There is a party there which is culled—I don't know with what right the Jesuitical party ; aud you all know that that party threatens France with the Cossacks . And even hero , in this glorious country , it is not long since there was a question much agitated as well in public opinion as iu parliament . I know what is convenient in this place and cue to you . I will not eater into the question , but will only state one curious coincidence . I am a Protestant —( cheers)—not only a protestant by birth but by conviction . ( Cheers . ) But I am a humble member of a nation the majority of which is composed of Catholics . Now it is not oue of the least glories of my nation that in all
times , in the present day as well as in former times , when our fathers bled for liberty in religion ami freedom of conscience , there have been Ilun * garian Catholics who have taken the lead in strug « gling in a peaceful manner , as well as on the . field of battle , for religious liberty and freedom of conscience . In that way the freedom and the rights of Protestantism , always opposed by the House of Hapsburg , who . were ever strongly united with the principle of Jesuitism , this freedom , these rights , were established by treaties , by pacific means , by the victorious swords of Hungarians fighting for freedom and conscience . It is true that as soon as freedom was obtained the sword was laid aside ; for Ilungary has been a . land of loyalty in all
time . It inay suffice to say , that the freedom of Irotostantiam in Hungary was secured by laws , was secured by treaties , on the maintenance of which the existence of the Hapsburg dynasty was made to depend . In ISIS tbis was included amongst other reforms ; and scarcely hud Russia raised the fallen house of Austria , by putting its foot on the neck of Ilungary , when tho first deed of the restored house was to destroy the rights ot Protestant liberty in Hungary . And then , genilemen , this is connected with another fact with respect to the Catholic church . Tbe kings of Ilungary , in former times , were always anxious not to allow any power to meddle , and chiefly not to allow the ' Court of Rome to rr . eddle in tbe
temporal affairs of the Catholic church in Ilungary , so much so that one of our most glorious kings , Matthius Oorvinses , an Hungarian by birth , seeing the encroachments of tbe court of Rome on his rights , said to one of tho Popes , " May your holiness remember that Hungary , which bears a double cross on her banners , Uaa never endured that the court of Rome should interfere with the liberty of the Hungarian people . " So anxious were tho Hungariaus in former times to secure their independence . And when tbe Emperor of Russia had succeeded in crushing Hungary , one of the first thinos that be did was to give the Jesuits of Rome full " power to feed on Hungary —( hear , hear ); and with this he united the destruction of t ' . ie
autonomy of the Protestant church . ( Heir , hear . ) Now , gentlemen , these arc the things which have caused so great an agitation in this land . Jesuitism was established by tho s&lettito of the House of Austria ; and even in thut respect lam entitled to say that the principle of everyevil in Europe is the despotic and encroaching spirit . of Russia , upon which leans every man who vtUi co . that which is wrong to tbe mtuiy ' ., You know , gentlemen , that that is the power which England meets at the Cosphorus , at the Nile , and all over Europe . This identity of the interests of England with this interests of the freedom of Europe makes irie'hona that the generous sympathy which we meet with here will not remain an empty sound —( hear , hear . ) —that it will not remain without some practical
results to my poor country and to humanity . ( Much cheering . ) There is my confidence , my hope . ( Hear , hear . ) No party in England , I belieTe , will den / that the armed interference of llussia in Hungarian nftaira has increased beyond measure the preponderance Of Russia on the European continent . ( Hear , hear . ) llussia having violated the independence of nations , and taken upon herself to Uispo 30 of their domestic councils , it can scarcely be denied that so long as Hungary is not restored to its liberty a :. d independence , the preponderance of ¦¦ Bu . ss 1 a m Europe will not retire , iiot only not subside , bu = Will increase . ( Hear , hear . ) And what I ^ uo-r . in the naae of my poor count ! y , and m the lniei . sfc Of all ( ho oppressed nations in Europe , is not t ., ^ 5 England n »/ draw-it » -word for the . restoration < k Hungary J Gentlemen all , 1 humbly wj « g ™» J t andlope , is that England my not abandon the
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November 1 , 185 L THE NORTHERN STAR ?
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Citation
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Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 1, 1851, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1650/page/7/
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