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    THE LEADER. ^o^^JANgAOT 1,^1859 ^ I

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    office tried to make use ot Austria s mi...

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    THOUGHTS, FACTS, AND SUGGESTIONS O5J . ,...

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    Origin Of The Complications Of 1858. The...

    atronstlieiiecLihat Eramce is preparing to side against St 3 a , hence the greater oat ^ spoke ^ s of Count GaSuranathenewexpectations wbieh keep alive SationintliepeninsiL . Trom that , too , sprang Station ba ttle Emperor to the Governments of Belgium , Piedmont , and Switzerknd , and an SatS ^ r the general freedom . Between the < W > otisms there is enmity , and both . more Sd . Other Governments are ^ preparing ^ to side Ethane or the other , and Orsim ' s attempt sowed the seeds of a confederacy of the ottand great Powers of Europe to . resist Napoleon . It has \ een promoted by the difference between the French and the English Governments , and by the union of the Princess Royal and the heir presumptive of the Prussian Crown , the transference of the government of Prussia to the hands of a Regent , and the ^ growth jof -better feelings between Berlin and Vienna . Orsini ' s unsuccessful attempt has given a new aspect to the politics of Europe . . _ * The difference between the French and English - Governments made manifest the / dterofal a «* - servience of the English Mmistry , and led to the defeat and retirement of Lord Palmerston . lo it , therefore , the Derby Ministry owes its possession inuereui

    Xii office . Having no . py we , ™ _ v~— - attempt we are indebted for the strengthened conviction of our own power ; and our own skill , and the imbecility of our rulers . The spirit of Reform has suddenly expanded into magnificent dimensions , and if ¦ Grsini ' s attempt be finally to end m giving freedom to Italyi it will be by first placing the execute power of England completely ^ handset the people . Somehow or other all the ^ asperated poliScat feelings of all the people of Europe are grouped around Orsini ' s atrocious crime , it was Samh- a consequence of the wrongs done by the Emperors of the world , and honoured by their subjects . He paid by his life for Ms offence , which may possibly prevent the repetition of such crimes > cut the All-overruling Power which governs society aiot as men govern it , educes alike from crimes and . Virtues the general progress and the general im-© rovement . If Orsini be in death conscious ot the consequences of his action , he , or even his living , confederates , may be consoled for the failure of his abominable crime by the alterations to which it has led in the political affairs of Europe . That « rime , with its consequences , was the cluef political . event of 1858 . Minor objects we leave to other iands or other opportunities .

    The Leader. ^O^^Jangaot 1,^1859 ^ I

    THE LEADER . ^ o ^^ JANgAOT 1 , ^ 1859 ^ I

    Office Tried To Make Use Ot Austria S Mi...

    office tried to make use ot Austria s miLiicncc to brin w about the re-establishment of diplomatic intercourse with Naples . Certain official language , in connexion with this supposed attempt was some time since imputed to Lord Malmesbury , and publicly , disowned by ' him . As yet , however , there has been no authoritative denial of the general truth of the story ; and there arc some reasons for attaching to it a degree of credit that we would gladly forget . Meanwhile , France is supposed to be " preparing to take decisive measures , without our privity or co-operation ; and . the best we can . hope for is that Russia may be induced to abstain from actively intermeddling in the fray . Lookin" -at the present condition ot the Panubum States , whether Sclave , Rouman , or Mussulman , it I is most undesirable that she should have the pretext I of a war with Austria for rcoccupymg any portion . I of the territories whence her troops were ¦ driven I durin" - the late war . Firmness and vigour on the I part of our Government , might , we believe , restrain the Czar from breaking the public peace , even though France and Austria should come to daggers drawnig in Lombardy . . Wilt Lord Derby showhimself possessed of these high qualities ?

    it ? " The other topic to which we can here but briefly allude is the conclusion of peace with China . Let us hope that the flattering anticipations held forth of commercial advantages in that quarter may eventually ,. if not immediately , be realised : . and that we may not find ourselves drawn into entanglements as we were . in India at the beginning of our connexion with that region , bv the presence of European rivals . Better we had never obtained permission to send an embassy to Pekk , than that we should thereby become involved in diplomatic intrigues and naval or military collisions with Russia or America , both of whom are lealously watching the progress of our . influence in the Celestial Empire , and both of whom , we fear , stand better at the Mantchou Court than we do Towards the United States our present rulers have evinced a very c onciliatory disposition in the abandonment formally and finally of the unmaintainable right of search . We only wish Loicl Smesbury may have courage to tell Pf ^^ t when it meets what everybody knows to be the truth respecting the utter futility of ^ 11 negotiations SSh either the Government of Washington or that of Paris , for the purpose of inducing either to > give ZJ } , ** nnr r . misers some portion ot the unvilegcs

    we have absolutelv and unconditionally abandoned . What is called « some better means ot identifying the nationality of the flag" is merel y a wlll-o -thewisp , which Lord Malmesbury fancied he saw . pretended to point to , byway of diverting attention , from the unreserved repudiation of the right ot search We dare say it will not prevent some fanatical asserters of Great Britain ' s absolute supremacy on the high seas from attempting to revive our obnoxious pretensions . Butthe nation has had enough of African squadrons and American squabbles , and it has made up its mind to have done with both . The non-interference of our Government , in the affairs of Portugal during ; the recent misunderstanding with France about indentured Slants wi £ no doubt , be brought , before Parliament early in the ensuing session . Mi . Roebuck , we believe , has not renounced las intentions in this respect , although Lord Palmerston has . A brisk debate and the interchange of keen taunts and recriminations may be the result , but other there can be none . The Portuguese Government did not call for our intervention , but , on the contrary , rather deprecated it . If this be stated plainly , without any qualification , by Ministers , the House of Commons will then and there irrevocably i ^ i ^

    makeu p its miuci mat mere w , x » . ~*~ said or Clone in the matter , and Will go to dinner . , Far deeper interest will attach to the inquiries that are certain to be made in Parliament regarding the position of affairs in Italy . During the whole of 1858 the public promises maue by our representatives at the conference of Pans remained , as far as the public are aware , unfulfilled , Ihe only negotiations which our Foreign-office was suspected of carrying on were such as public opinion is little likely to approve . Several months ago , fair U Hudson is said to have been instructed to press the Sardinian Government to enter into relations ol intimacy and friendship with that of Austria , England offering to . become a party by way ol guarantee to the proposed treaty . No words can too strongly designate the fatuity of such a . proposal if it ever was made The mere suspicion ot such an alliance would , within a month , withdraw all confidence in constitutional Government in Piedmont , overturn the Cabinet of M . Cavour to make way for one of reaction , and throw the whole bulk of the Liberal party into the hands ot Franco . English influence is already low enough in the peninsula , but it would then be absolutely extinguished ; while that of Franpe , already perhaps more powerful than is desirable , would become wholly paramount . A great minister would , in all probability , have been tempted ere thus to join with France in a peremptory course of intervention lor the rescue and reconstruction of the Italian states . Against such a combination , and With twenty-six mulions of people in arms , the artifices ol the Vatican and of Vienna could avail naught . Wo do not blame Lord Malmesbury , indeed , for not taking such a course , nor do wo think , that Parliament will blame him . On the other hand , wo iiiubI ; repeat our strong persuasion that the public opinion of this country will never bo brought to sanction any efforts on the part of our Government to tighton the yoke of absolutism , or to hassavd , in some sliovt-sightod view of temporary peace , the existence of the only constitutional Government ' south of the Alps . It is also said that our Foreign .

    FOREIGN AFFAIRS- ^ PAST AND FUTURE . When the history of international relations during ? iheyearT 18 B 8 shall be written , there will seem to fcetfut . little cause for rejoicing to the friends oi . enlightened progress . Perhaps their principal source ^ satisfaction will be foun d in the absence of many striking events of sinister import . The old French < jhronicier has said that " blessed are the people whose annals are vacant ; " and this as regards tiations that have attained to liberty , and are peraaitted to repose under their own vine and fig-trees , in a certain sense is true . But ft * those communities that still sit jiudarkness and ^ in the shadow ot political . death , nothing worse canbe said thaivtliat £ > whole year has elapsed without bringing them any iitigation . or change , and that through hopeful spring , and . radiant summer , golden autumn and Soar 'Winter time , they have remained motionless , jtheir feet being nationally fast bound in the stocks . J ? or ourselves as ' » people we have nothing whereof to boast in the year gone by , with two exceptions . By a vigorous effort of national mutiny ml 5 escaped fL humiliation which the ill advisors of tour Crown and Parliament would have subjected us to at the request of the Emperor of the French . . Looking baok at the whole transaetiojvcalmly , we W mote firmly than ever persuaded that the popular instinct was wise as well as just , and prudent as well # s noble . "With e > view to the permanent maintenance of friendly relations with Frauce , we have pot . » doubt : that Lord Clarendon and his colleagues took an impolitic as well as an un-English bourse , and that the people of this country who , repudiated their Conspiracy Bill and censured . tkoirrvwint of spirit , took the / best means of prerenting future misunderstandings with the Government of . pur nefehbouw . We 4 p not know , indeed , i better test of politioal sagacity than that which was afforded . by the events of February last s and should , * general election come ore long , there are few ^ touoftatones of awan ' s nomioal fltnoss and reliability iUat may more ^ afolOf used than this—* mm £ aietttho ^ CQnspirftoyBill , w did he oppose I

    Thoughts, Facts, And Suggestions O5j . ,...

    THOUGHTS , FACTS , AND SUGGESTIONS O 5 J . , PARLIAHENTARY REFORM . No . VIII . Few people will deny that the practical result to be aimed at in all measures of electoral , ¦ reform , . 15 the better enabling the industry and intellect ot the country to return to Parliament men who they believe will fully represent them . To secure tins end three things are necessary : a sufficient number of voters , freedom from undue influence in the act of voting ; and liberty of choice as to candidates . We havl all heard a great deal of late regarding the first two , and we may be tolerably sure thatbetween this and Easter there is not a . point iii the controversy about suffrage or ballot that will not have been thoroughly silted- an . U examined . But about the third essentia , that _ of candidature , little or nothing is said , although to every reflecting mind it must be-clear that-, practically it is of as much importance as cither ¦ if the others . What is the use of doubling or trebling our large constituencies , 6 r of securing to eveiy man in them the right of giving ; his vote independently , if the state ot the law be such as to snianebt ^

    narrow the choice within the uu » . u . u ... » , and , in point of fact , to leave no real liberty o ^ selcction at all ? It is no use trying to parry the foicc of such a question by the old humdrum assertion that every man is at liberty to vote for any other man he likes . In sound this is true , but in sense and in substance it is false—notoriously fulsc . A mau coming up to the poll may undoubtedly utter the name of Prince Albert or Mr . Punch , or that of anv other distinguished personage in the realm ; but is that voting ? Is it not to all intents and purposes as good as playing the fool , or w k" » S . ono ^ sleep , or chattering gibberish ? Throwing your vote away is surely the thing most opposito to using it ; yet that is what nine-tenths of the electors of the United Kingdom must do if they wore to record their votes in their various localities ioi the men whom they knew to bo the fittest to represent thorn . The fittest men arc not only very seldom candidates , but they are nccessanlv so . They aro systematically and designedly precluded from becoming such by tho perverted ingenu ty of the law which imposes upon c ™™ ' * ^ a protecting duty in favour of tho Upper lc Thousand , amounting in effect , in most cuscs , to an absolute prohibition . "Who is there amongst ua that has not again and again wished to have an opportunity of supporting some man of talent or uistinotion , whoso acts or whoso writings ho-baa Uton particularly pleased with P Who does not ™« o" » " instances of siich men having been P , ^ ^ privately invited to come forward , anu who docs not rooollect thp storcotypo rosponso , which , ao knowlodging gratofully tho honour mtondcil , «>» - mates significantly that private curoumstancos , xouuu it , impoSsibloP What arc these 0 { roumBtanooB . Infirmity of hoalth sometimes no doubt , and BOino timos prcssuvoof business ; but in ninotooit cu » s out of ' twenty is ifi not simply and ) ncrcyg ability to boar tho unooiwoipnublo oxponso « nwu vicious law would subject him to P p Membership of tfarllamont must bo ono ol wo things- ^ u buelwosB carried on for personal objects , 91

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 1, 1859, page 18, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_01011859/page/18/