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Leader (1850-1860), 1st February 1851, Edition Country of 2, Page 1, ©ontentg:

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    • Mtrns ni tht Wnk
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      . ____ ^^ "Thh One Idea Which. History E...

      . ____ ^^ "Thh one Idea which . History exhibits a 3 evermore developing itself into greater distinctness is the Idea of . Humanity—the noble endeavour to throw ; down all the barriers erected between men by prejudice and one-sided Views ; and by setting aside the distinctions of Religion , Country , and Colour , to treat the whole Human race as one brotherhood , having one great object—the free development of our spiritual nature . "—Humboldt ' s Cosmos .

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      Nbws Of Thb Week— Page |T Protestantism ...

      Nbws of thb Week— Page | T Protestantism and Popery 101 An English Patriot 106 Thb Arts—The New French Ministry 98 Mr . Bagshaw and the Bishop of Invasion on the London Wnrlting- —"" The Prisoners of War 110 The Swiss Insurrection 98 London , 101 Printers 106 The Cadi ' s Daughter 110 The Behring ' s Straits Expedition .. 98 Spiritual Despotism in Italy ....... 101 The Wants of Royalty 105 Democratic Intelligence—The Tax on Paper .. ' 98 Industrial Schools in Ireland 102 Incapacity of the Legislature 106 Letters to Chartists Ill Memorial » 99 Chancery Reform 102 The New Reformation IO ( J Associative Progress— HI Mr . Cobden at Bradford 99 Apprehension of Mrs . Sloane 102 Social Keform . —XXVII—DifBcul- Open Council—Deportation of Children to Bermuda 100 The Fires of the Week 103 ties Teaching U 3 106 The Compositors and the " Post" .. Ill The Sailors'"Strike 100 A Marvellous Escape 103 Litrkatorb— The Tax upon News 112 The Edinburgh Reviewon" Christian An Unnatural Son 103 The Daughter of Night 108 The Ecclesiastical Courts 1158 Socialism" 100 Miscellaneous 103 The Hand of God in History 108 Bradford Hungarian Committee .... 113 The Queen Dowager ' s Annuity .... 100 Public Affaibs— Mackay ' s " Egeria " 109 Commkhcial Affaiks—The Crystal Palace 101 The Manchester Policy 105 Books on our Table 110 Markets , Gazettes , & c 114-16

      1 ' ¦ ¦ ... . , — .... ... I R ' ¦¦'¦.' ...

      1 ' ¦ ¦ ... . , — .... ... i r ' ¦¦'¦ . ' . VOL . II . —No . 45 . SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 1 , 1851 . Price 6 d .

      Mtrns Ni Tht Wnk

      JStras of flje Wttk . . ' —¦ ? . ¦

      If The Prime Minister Really Contemplate...

      If the Prime Minister really contemplated the Anti-Popish agitation which he . fostered as a means of diverting public attention from more practical affairs , and so getting over the Session with less trouble to himself , but only an appearance of trouble , the actual effect seems likely to be the very opposite . That next Session will be unusually busy and eventful is a general impression , and the public is preparing its ideas to make it so . Antir 3 7 WKiMMtMBt ' ^ s ^ St ^ lm ^ VSm ^ SBSSm the removal of the Irish Court : then there will bis il

      repeal of taxes not included in the Chancellor " of the Exchequer ' s little plan , whatever that is : certain ideas respecting land , gradually becoming more definite : public education , Financial Reform , and other subjects perhaps even more unpleasant to the Ministerial mind , will assuredly be pressed upon Parliament as the Session advances .

      The Anti-taxation movement itself , although in part anticipated , may prove no light affair for a feeble Ministry . Divers interests will be upon the Government , besides windows . If there is to be a modified House Tax in lieu of the Window Duty every householder in the country will be more disgusted than pleased by the grudging disappointment . Paper , which includes some influential

      interests , is up in arms and cannot safely be soured . 1 he knowled ge-taxes will assume a shape difficult to quiet ; and carriages are moving in various parts of the country . The movement for Chancery Reform goes steadily forward . The meeting on Thursday was well calculated to promote the cause , but , considering the ample materials they possess , it might have been rendered much ' mgre so . A good selection of cases of oppression and mismanagement well tol

      ( J , but without exaggeration , should form a prominent feature in the report of every meeting . A single statement that a gentleman has been kept out of £ 70 , 000 or £ loo , 0 ()() for a life time , by tlie law ' 8 delay , is not enough . A clear and graphic narrative of at least one actual case should »« given at each meeting , so hh to lay bare the whole machinery of the " fee-gathering Hy 8 tem " to the popular gaze . Only let that be done extensivel y , and the work will nooii be accoiuphnhed .

      1 'ho special embarrassment which Ministers have provoked for them . selvra iu Dublin , by proposing the abolition of the Viceroyalty , will not be very ninageable . ut ! 8 i , 1 ( , H t , u , inmj I > uWiu illtoroM ^ i Ireland has ho wtrong a . sympathy with local patronage that it will back its own capital in resisting the privation . It certainly is an awkward [ Country Edition . ]

      feature of " improved government" in Ireland that so much of it assumes a correctional or privative form . English Governments seem chiefly able to " benefit" Ireland in the form of some punishment or withdrawal . We believe that the trumpery Court does very little good , and much more mischief ; and that , if the Irish People thoroughly understood the question , which they might easily be made to do , they would gladly support the Minister in the measure . But how is he to appeal to the Irish People ? What access has he to them ? Th / 2 general spirit

      & of his measures lately , especially his . Anti-Catholic bearing , has , alienated their ^ oniidenae . The re-% i ^ ta 4 Wffragb W < jfudes him from getfhMr at the i wMiWag ? fe ^ g ^^^^&^ BI ^ m ^^ i fp * L '" , ¦ ¦ '¦ : wN |/ ' ' v ; " * My & - # & $ * l The land queatiotWoes not bear « b directly upon the Ministerial policy ; on the contrary , it practically affords some slight diversion , since it turns the public expectation from the tinkerings with the suffrage to > the freehold societies , which are gradually to extend it . In his Bradford speech , Mr . Cobden spoke of these societies as the lever to make the representation popular . Unquestionably they may extend it , not we fear very far beyond

      the bounds of the middle class ; for , like Savings Banks , Mechanics' Institutions , and other projects for the working classes , it is probable that the benefits will revert in a great proportion to the middle class . The effect which we anticipate from this agitation is , less a direct extension of the suffrage than an indirect influence in making the public in general examine and understand that much larger question , the alienation of the People from the land . It has also a collateral bearing upon the other questions in which the Radical Reformers are now taking a prominent part ; and there is no doubt that the bold , candid tone

      assumed by Mr . Cobden , Mr . Bright , Mr . Hume , and Mr . Milner Gibson , not only at Bradford and Manchester , but elsewhere—their gradual inception of a plan for consolidating an " independent party" in Parliament , is gaining for them the public confidence , and is calculated to form the nucleus of a real strength in the Legislature . If they proceed in the same tone , and deal with public affairs in the ( substantial , independent manner which they have worn on the platform , then the whole course of public afiiiirH in Parliament will prove far more usefully beneficial to the country , far more embarrassing to an obstructive and inert Ministry , than it has been for many HCssions .

      The latest meetings on the Anti-Papal subject , besides the HpecialeuibarranHinent . s which have been indicated to thwart Lord John Russell ' s manoeuvre , have thin more formidable trait in them , that they hIjovv a rising Hjmit of common sense . Lord John Russell lias relied upon a blind Protentant bigotry , and he has succeeded in evoking a large share of that national feeling ; but we are disposed to think

      ^ mm that he cultivated the outburst rather prematurely , and that he will find the effervescence to have died away before it is available for actual use in the House of Commons . At the beginning of the aggression , the slightest hint of practical objection was hooted down ; at the later meetings , qualifications have been received with much more temperance and candour . At the Manchester Meetings , where the Radical Members ridiculed the idea of danger from the Papal Aggression , showed the difficulty of doing anything to encounter it in a substantial way , and exposed the sectarian fears of the Established Church , their sentiments were receivechirith hearty approval . The North Stafford * > , atyre Meeting i $ a cood specimen of moderated \¦ ¦ * % . ^^^^ SftfiSjfe ' '¦ ji £ ^| i | w operations .- ' He * in » afe ^ 9 f »^^ tinction between the Popistii Hieriirelff" in , fei |^ land and the Protestant Episcopal Hierarchy in Scotland , or the Wesleyan quasi-Hierarchy , by showing that the Roman Catholics derived their authority from a foreign power , which derives its own strength from Austria or from France ; so that the Papal aggression , in his view , insinuates Austrian or French politics into the heart of English society . But when Lord Harrowby places his main reliance on the Protestant feeling of the People , and the practical execution of the laws , against illegal conduct on the part of the Roman Catholics , he reduces the late Protestant tumult to much ado about nothing ; for the practical bearing of that counsel is entirely prospective . When the Roman Catholics actually proceed to do something which is illegal , then Lord Harrowby ' s view of public duty will come in force . But , we say , a sensible view of this large question with its branches —¦ the toleration or ( suppression of Puseyism , the conflict between Gorhamism and the royal supremacy , the maintenance of a Stateestablished religion—is precisely the opposite to the sort of view which MinisterH desired to invite . If Members become sensible , as well an the public out of doors , the Anti-Popery tumult will serve to increase the work of Ministers instead of superseding their work by an unsubstantial series of debating 8 . Meanwhile it is ludicrous to see the English alarm about the Papal power , while the very centre of that power exhibits no many signs of increasing feelilcnesws . It is true that the authorities at Rome enjoy a very exaggerated idea of the conversions in thia country ; that they take Lord and Lady Feilding , Father Newman , and the Abbe" Talbot too literally for the English public ; but dreams of progress in England do not countervail the con-NciousnesH of internal decline . When news of the Ministerial crisis in Paris induces Pius the Ninth to ask the French commander in Rome whether lie , the Pope , had not better go back to Gaeta , in order that he may be at a safe distance from his own

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 1, 1851, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_01021851/page/1/