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¦ MAY ; -ly^y : : THE LEADER. 40?
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Week In Parliament. The Militia Bii....
" •* rf .- * i be a great deficiency in our present ^ ystem rerf f * £ w as Ithink it is , I do not understand that KilffaKS & Stf ** the * measure which has been so feethere t ^ S * S forward by the hon .: member for Surrey « KSSSS evd ( Hear , hear ^ ]^ w , whatwlu ^ nion may be formed of the arrangement which f ^! SsSvith regard to the suffrage of the freeformerly ^^ a ^ ^ e political rights , of labour ^ SnoJS ged 4 the old constitut ion . We « T ^ ed those rights . I am aware , of course , that existfnf £ S were referveU ^ ut what I mean , to . is , that the fountain s which supplied those constituencies were det ^ nlea . th , in fact , we virtually terminated the pohwhich intne ot tnac cias 3
^ 7 riehts of labour - persons voters were then enjoyed . I do not by any means wish 5 maintain that there were notstrong reasons why the thpnexisting arrangement should be interfered with ; but T must say that I never heard a reason given why a nre satisfactory arrangement should not be substituted its stead . ( Hear , hear . ) I trace much of the dissatisfLtion which exists in the country , and which at times SeTiSelf painfully felt with regard to the Eeform Act Jvia < ttJ- ^ -I sav I trace much of that dissatisfaction to the So 7 to wfcchI have referred . "
But the remedy proposed by the people themselvesan extension of the franchise amounting to universal suffrage—he Could not support , as it would throw all the power of the country into the hands of one class ; and curiously enough , in contradiction to the terms even of the paragraph above quoted , he eulogized the constitution , which universal suffrage would overthrow , as " a constitution which gives to property the rights it deserves , which gives to labour the rights it Reserves , and / which cherishes the existence of various classes , the legal and political recognition of whose interest has been one of the main causes of the flourishing condition of the country ; and of the preservation of order , social and political . " Giving his strongest opposition to universal suffrage , he could not support Mr .
Locke King ' s motiony because it v ? as not adequate to remedy the one great deficiency of the Reform Bill . As for his promises , they were very numerous : —r " I have thought it . right to say on the : part of my colleagues what I have said b < tfore for myself . But let our feefings not be misconceived . We do not associate an extension of the suffrage necessarily with an extension of democratic power . If we see any well-matured measure brought forward- —not with the view : jof serving a mere party purpose , but with the sincere desire of giving the deserving artisan the exercise , of the suffrage m a ; manner consistent with the existence and maintenance of institutions which we believe to be as much for the interest of the artisan as any other class in the country , I say that to such a measure we shall be disposed to g ive a dispassionate
and kind consideration . * * * * It a proposition should be brought forward which we really think is calculated to meet the difficulties of the case , wo shall be prepared to listen to it with respectful attention . But let no one suppose that there is , on the part of the existing Government , any bigoted adherence to forms which may be thought to be obsolete . We have only one object in view , —an object which I am willing to believe is the object of all in this house ; viz ., the good go vernment of this great country . ( Hear , hear . ) We wish to see the greatness of the country maintained and the prosperity of the people increased ; but if the change in the franchise is only to be used as a meacs of obtaining political power , and exciting political a gitation—to such a system , we can only give our unconditional and uncompromising opposition . ( Hoar , hear , )"
Sir Benjamin Hall next tried to provoke Ministers to an encounter , but he was met by cries of " Divide . " Nevertheless , with the " sacred hour" of dinner at hand he persisted , and dared Mr . Digraeli to state clearly what he meant by the exclusion of the working classes . Did ho mean to bring forward n measure to enfranchise them , or was his speech miserable hustings clap-trap ? Cries of " Divide" at length cut short the member for Mnrylebono , and after a very brief reply from Mr . Locko King , the House divided , when there were—For the motion , 149 ; against it , 202 . Majority against , 53 . As Mr . Anstey was pressing a motion for papers relating to Colonel Outram's case , the House was counted out . «
THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES . Mr . Gladstone ' s bill for regulating the Colonial Umroh , and conferring on it fionlo organization for t »» o management of its internal nffiurs , has been printed "i"ler the title of " Colonial Bishops Bill "—a title to winch ho objects . The motion for tlto second roadmg wna made on Wednesday . On tlio presentation or some petitions by Mr . Gladstone , Sir John Paking-, On Ported out that it won noarly fivo o ' clock , and muHt
JJ ° occupy moro time than would bo loft after . \ * J lart « tono hud concluded . Mr , Gladstone only wished to Htato the purport of the measure , and had " . » 7 > o of »¦ decision tluit day . Horo Mr . Horsman imA «¦ m HU ^ ' that Ml < - Gllldstono ' B statoniont ought l ,. ° forth without any observation or answer , «„ . « i ln ? HOU > ° thinff about tho bill contemplating " ecclesiastical revolution . " Whereupon Mr . Gx . adno md thnfc aftor such an observation ho should on / . n T T . ( luostion of an arrangement , but uso at ° "t 0 tll ° tl »«> that remained .
He began by stating in the most marked and distinct manner that the object of the Bill was to put the colonial church in a condition to manage its own ecclesiastical affairs by mutual consent—but on a footing of equality with the unprivileged and unestablished denominations , who now E ossess a freedom of which he trusted nothing would ever e done to deprive them . Over and over again he laid it down that religious equality should be the basis of ecclesiastical legislation for the colonies , that religious equality should be thoroughl y established in the colonies , and the church / freed without trenchingupon any rights of the colonial authorities .
>** The : bill provide d that any regulation which might be made by these religious communities should stand simply upon the footing of voluntary obedience , and enjoy no other force than that which appertained to the rules or regulations of other religious communions . ^ ( Hear , hear . ) The bill would not land us in any of those painful questions in which "we sometimes found ourselves involved ^ by subjects connected with the -various reciprocal rights of bishops , clergy , or laity . He / did not know why the title ' Colonial Bishops' had unfortunatel y "' been , printed upon the bill ; it had no relation to colonial bishops as apart
from other members of their religious communion , and it did nothing to liberate colonial bishops from restraint , but simpl y in conjunction with their clergy and laity : and the Sr inciple upon which the bill proceeded was that which he oped would daily gain strength , favour , and currency in this country — that of leaving the colonies ( subject to any restraints needful on Imperial grounds ) to the uncontrolled management of their own local affairs , whether it were for ecclesiastical or civil purposes . ( Loudcries of " Hear , hear . " ) , . .
As to the religious liberties of those not in communion with the church "he would frankly state in the face of the House of Commons , that if any man offered him , fpr the church of England in the colonies , the boon of civil preference , he would reject that boon as a fatal gift ; convinced that any such preference would be nothing but a source of weakness to the church itself , and of difficulty and of discord to the colonial communities , in the soil of which he wished to see her take a free , and strong , and healthy root . " Here lie made a dignified apology for his conduct as a representative of a clerical constituency , by , solemnly avowing that he acted as he thought best for their interests , which he held would be perilled , "if he were to refrain from recoenisinff , or hesitate to recognise , the
principle of religious equality as the principle of colonial legislation . " Pursuing the same theme * Mr . Gladstone cited the preamble of a remarkable act passed by the Parliament of Canada , and which has now been in the hands of members of the Imperial ParHament the time legally specified , and which , therefore , may be held approved b y them . The words are these : — " Whereas the recognition of legal equality among all relig ious denominations is an admitted prmciple of colonial legislation ; and whereas in the state and condition of this province , to which such a principle is peculiarly applicable , it is desirable that t he same should receive the sanction of direct legislative authority , recoenisineand declaring the same as a fundamental principle
of our civil poli ty ; be it therefore declared and enacted , and so forth . ( Hear . ) He called this preamble " one of those declaratio ns of which we oug ht to take notice , as marking an epoch in the political existence" of colonial legislature . " Having , then , parted entirely with the power of enforcing the principle of civil establishment of the church in tho colonies , he hoped upon that ground alone , apavfc from his convictions as to what tho interests of the church required , that the disinclination of gentlemen might be overcome ^ and that they would consent to join in an endeavour to adjust , and construct for this new state of things a system which , whether best in the abstract or not , was the only thing which the circumstances admitted . "
Running over certain objections , and disposing of them by the way , he proceeded to argue for the necessity of some measure like that he proposed , on the ground that for practical purposes the ecclesiastical laws of England did not touch tho colonies—a statoment rendered plain by tho fact that thoro wore no ecclesiastical courts in the colonies . Should ho bo mot by a proposal to establish ecclesiastical courts ? Ho hoped not . " It was porfectly absurd to speak of introducing into the colonios ecclesiastical couvta armed with all the powers of tho law . Certain biahops , he did not say from an j , unduo lovo of power , but from difficulty in finding a mode of managing their own affairs , had tried to introduco thoao courts . The
Bishop of Tasmania , if ho was not misinformed , had como to this country to seo whether ho could not got ecclesiastical courts introduced into his diocoss . But that had led to a moat curious discovery . Tho Dissenters said it was not according to tho principles of religious equality that they tsliould bo cited boforo bishops' courtn . Tho Dissenters wore led to look into tho patents , boeauso the bishop had to fall back on his patents . Ho said ho found thoso patontB coining from tho Coloriial-ofHco gavo him power to erect those courts , to cito witnesses , to commit for contempt . Tho Dissenters raised tho question whether tho patents were legal or not . Tho law oflicorn of tho to onsider
Crown , when they wore called upon maturely c tho Bubjoofc , returned a doliborato opinion thai : those patents protended to confer powers which Her Majesty was not competent ; to confer * and that thoroforo they woio illegal instruments . " The groat grievance was that there wore no j joillod , regular sjjrstoiu administered according to tho , principles 1 of law , juatico , mid equity . Tho clergy had no appeal agninnt tho bishop , who might act as arbitrarily and capriciously as ho choso , and thoro was no remedy for tho clergy , who had no fixed and sfcablo rights . On what did thoy rely P " Generally spoaking thoro was a groat degreo of harmony between tho bishops and clergy and laymen in tho colonial churches . Good feeling , was a good Hubstituto for law where thoro was no other resource . Laymen had no appeal whatever . Ho did not bolicro , in a case of
withholding the offices of the church from any layman on any ' -ground , however frivolous , that a mode of obtaining a remedy could be pointed out . Their state was a state of anarchy , tempered only by the good feeling and gobd sense which he gladly allowed were manifested in the conduct of those communities . " After citing resolutions passed by bishops and others at Sydney , Melbourne , in Canada , South Australia , Tasmania , and New Zealand , praying generally for the establishment of some legal medium for regulating their own affairs , as * they dared not act , fearing to do something which was illegal ; he wound up by again insisting on the main object of the bill , the recognition of religious equality , and of perfect freedom for the colonies in the settlement of all internal affairs . On the motion of Sir John Paldngton , the debate was adjourned to the 19 th of May . CHURCH PROPERTY . The Marquis of Blandeord moved on Thursday for leave to bring in a bill to enable her Majesty further to regulate the duties of ecclesiastical personages , and to make better provision for the management and distribution of episcopal and capitular revenues . Adverting to the satisfactory and encouraging answer of her Majesty to the address he moved last session on the subject of spiritual destitution throughout England and Wales , he stated that the motives for this motion were twofold—first , the acknowledged necessity of enabling the Established Church to extend its ramifications
amongst the masses of our rapidly-increasing population ; secondly , a desire to provide a practical remedy for abuses known to existin the establishment arising from the want of a sufficiently active legislation in matters of this nature . He showed that , from the reign of Henry VIII ., Parliament had evinced a desire to secure religious instruction for the people , and at a later period had laid down the principle , that spiritual destitution was one of those national calamities for which Parliament was bound to provide a remedy . He then referred to the inquiries which had been made into the revenues of the Church , and to the
appointment of the Ecclesiastical Commission , noticing the principles adopted by Parliament in relation to Church reform , what had been done by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners , and the paucity of Bishops , and the deficiency of the clerical staff . - The modifications die proposed related to the constitution ^ nd duties of Chapters , which would leave j , disposable revenue of nearly 60 , 000 ? . a year . He proposed to erect two new dioceses , Westminster and Bristol , and to give a permissive power to divide existing dioceses . He explained the manner in which he proposed to effect these divisions , and specified the respective incomes which it was
intended by the bill to assign to the future occupants of the old as well as of the new sees , the result of which would be that a surplus of 27 , 000 £ a year would be applicable to the general purposes and wants of the Church . In the last place , he proposed that the capitular property , and the episcopal property under certain limitations and conditions , not the fee , but the management , should be transferred to and vested in the Ecclesiastical Commissioners . The tone of the whole speech was one of quiet but determined hostility to pluralities and sinecures in the Church , especially as regarded Chapters .
Mr . Walpole assented to the introduction of tho bill in a tone so cordial as to call up Sir Robert Inglis , to whom , of course , any attempt to touch the Church was ohjectionable . Further , ho was deeply hurt that the bill should be so good as to receive the support of the Radicals . No one spoke against it , and after moro or less hearty words of approval had fallen from several members , leave was given to bring in the bill . This was followed by a smart debate on
THE CRYSTAL PALACE , which seems to bo doomed to tho hammer of tho auctioneer . Mr . Heywoop moved for tho appointment of a Select Committee to consider tho preservation of tho Crystal Palaco , or the central portion thereof , with a view to its applicability to purposes of public instmction and recreation . Mr . Hume seconded tho motion by a speech similar to that ho made at Exeter Hall . Colonel SiiiTHOitr and Lord Joiin Manners opposed
the motion . Tho latter , on tho part of tho Government , insisted that so gross u breach of good faith m tho retention of tho Crystal Palace would bo an evil outweighing all tho benefits which could possibly ariwo from its preservation . Besides , tho building was not tit for tho purposes of a permanent structure . Towards tho end of his speech , tho real animus peeped out-r—it is tho site , not palace , which is objectionable . Reniovo it to Battorsca Park , and tho Government will leiid cordial aid !
Tho motion was opposed by Mr . Lahouohere , who also considered it a question of good faith , and who thought that tho expression of public opinion had not been sufficiently general as to roliovo the government and Parliament from their plodgea . Lord Palmerbton contended for inquiry , nnd supported tho motion , tc » ti-
¦ May ; -Ly^Y : : The Leader. 40?
¦ MAY -ly ^ y : THE LEADER . 40 ?
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 1, 1852, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_01051852/page/3/
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