On this page
-
Text (1)
-
< of Nor. 1, 1851.] gy»-gett*t. 1031
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Kossuth's Welcome. Kossuth At Winchester...
~^ The Austrian arm y joined him-the Biege Vienna Je madt and after that these two arm . es came into WnnSry tinder the command of Windischgratz , calling H anTeepecially my humble self , rebels . We opposed X * S uggS we ^ fought battles ; history will tell how-7 e he 6 e Z-bni still I must add one . single thing , and that £ that though we had been victorious , defeated the Imnerial armies in repeated battles though the Emperor of ESSia issued a proclamation dated the 4 th of March , 1 S 49 when he , relying on the false report of the Camarilla of a victory in s battle that never was won , declared by one scratch of his pen that he blotted out Hungary from the list of nations , that that kingdom no more existed , that its constitution was torn up , and that Hungary was de
olared to be incorporated in the Austrian empire , and ruled according to the l aws which his good pleasure would give ; not withstanding we had beaten our enemies—notwithstanding this proclamation which severed all ties between Austria and Hungary—still we did not even proclaim a rupture with the House of Hapsburg , When did I make the proposal no more to acknowledge the house of Hapsburg ? When I got true and exact intelligence that the Russian intervention was decided on and had been accepted , and when I had got , I am sorry to say , the intelligence that in order to avoid this Russian
intervention we no help in the world—from nobody—no , not one "—( Here , overcome by irrepressible emotion , the voice of M . Kossuth faltered , he burst into tears , and for some moments was incapable of proceeding , while a burst of sympathy broke from the assembly . As soon as he had recovered he proceeded , still agitated)— " then I considered matters in my conscience , and I came to the resolution that , either my nation must submit to the deadly stroke aimed at hex life , or , if we were not cowards enough , not base enough to accept this suicide , it would not be amiss to put as the reward of our struggles—our fatal struggles—that which should have the merit of being worthy the sacrifice of the people ; and if we had to contest with two great empires , if we had
no one to help us , if we had no friend , and to contest in our struggles for the liberties of Europe , because now the Hungarian question rose Europe " high , " it assumed the dignity of an European question—if it was our fate to struggle for the liberties of Europe as once we had struggled for her Christianity , and if God should bless us , I proposed as a reward the independence of Hungary , and it was accepted . { Cheers . ) That is the statement , the brief—no , not the brief , but the true statement of the relations between Hungary and Austria . What was the result ? How we fell—let me not speak about it ( after a pause)—that is a matter of too deep sorrow to dwell on . So much I can saythat , though forsaken by the whole world , I
, am to-day confident we would have been a match for the combined forces of these two despotical empires , but that it was my fault , and my debility that I , the governor of Hungary , who had the lead of this great cause , had not faculties enough to match Russian diplomacy , which knew kow to introduce treason into our « amp—{ cheers )—but had I been capable even to imagine rail these intrigues we should not have fallen . As it is , vou know the House of Hapsburg as a dynasty is gone ; at exists no more—it merely vegetates . The Emperor « can only act by the whim and will of his master , the Caar . If only the Czar would not threaten every portion
of the world where the prayers for liberty rise up from the nation to Almighty God—if the people of England would only decide that the Russian should not put his foot on the nations of Europe—if England would but only say , Stop—and nothing more—the boast of Paskievitch , that he would put his foot on the neck of Hungary , would never be realized , and Hungary , I am sure , would have knowledge enough , truth enough , and courage enough , to dispose of its own domestic matters , as it is the sovereign right of every nation of the world— - ( lotcd cheera )—and to put down any aggression on her liberty . { Cheers . )"
After a few more words of gratitude and eulogy M . Kossuth resumed his seat amid rounds of cheers . The company were then addressed by Lord Dudley Stuart and Mr . Cobden . The pith of the latter gentleman ' s speech lay in the opening . He said : — 44 Mr . Mayor and Gentlemen , —I was rusticating in a neighbouring county , where I have been seeking some ¦ repose after the labours of a session more than usually laborious , and far more than usuall y ^ unproh'tuble , and after labours of a more pleasing nature , such , as entertaining friends come up to town to Bee the Exhibition , Then I heard of M . Kossuth's arrival . I mention these
aacts , because it justifies me for not being on the spot to ¦ witness the reception given to our distinguished visitor . { . Cheers . ) But , gentlemen , the moment I received , in my Bomewhat outlandish retirement , the news of his arrival in England , I started at once to pay him my humble respects . Not that I had any doubt about liia reception at Southamption—not that I feared any want of zeal and enthusiasm among the people ; but bcoaune I saw tin attempt made by a portion « f the press of thia country upon a man who , after escaping the plots and snares of Austria , the Hcail ' old , and the dangers of a barbarous climate , was about to visit our hospitable shores . I saw that an attempt was being
made in England—hospitable England—to destroy , not tne life , but what he valued more dearly—the reputation wj this man ; and from the moment I saw that dastardly Wcinpt I determined to be here , to show these calumniators that , if these slandera reach hit ) character , it shall WJonly through ourselves . { Loud cheeera . ) We owe tins / not only to our illustrious guest and the country «"> ch ho represents—not only to that great realm , America , whose guest I may still say he is , and whom 1 ¦ ee here represented by its worthy Consul , but we owe « 10 ourselves—to every man who has a regard for the "" r * « te f . ° f this nation , that we should come forward ¦ h « lcato """ elves from the charge of liaving u » unre m tho inout base and . dastardly attempt that was
ever made to injure the character of any public man . { Loud cheers ) . The remainder of his speech , contained his famous doctrine of non-intervention modified slightly . He explained non-intervention to mean , that no nation had a right to interfere in the domestic affairs of another nation , and that we should not permit , without a protest , acts of barbarism similar to the Russian invasion of Hungary . Mr . Croskey spoke up for the Americans , who were , he said , partisans of non-intervention : —
" The time would come , if it had not already come , when the United States would be forced into taking more than an interest in European politics . When they should be so forced , he hoped they would still adhere to the advice of Washington , and , at the same time , require of other members of the great family of nations to adhere to the same doctrine . He hoped , when introduced into the arena of European politics , they would be introduced as the ally of England upon some such great constitutional cause as that of the independence of Hungary crushed by foreign intervention . Hand in hand with Great Britain , no combination of despotic Governments could reenact the terrible drama of placing the foot of absolutism upon the neck of national independence and constitutional freedom . ( Loud cheers . )"
M . Kossuth again spoke and told a pretty story , with a view of illustrating the fact , that there are different ways of promoting the happiness and welfare of a people . " It is reported that the Sultan Saladin , the gallant enemy of Richard Cceur de Lion , once met a Jew , named Aaron , called ' the Wise '; Saladin said to him— ' How is it that you , who area wise man , do not change your religion and become either a Christian or a Mahomedan , as , though they differ in doctrines , they agree upon one principal point ? Your religion teaches you to believe that God Almighty can only take to His bosom the members of your nation , whereas the Christian and
Mahomedan religion teaches that , though there may be differences of faith among men , all may go , though by different ways , to heaven . { Cheers . ) Why , therefore , do not you , who are known as a wise man , become a Christian or Mahomedan ? Is not this a subject for your serious consideration ? ' Aaron answered and said , ' There was once a Shah , who had in his possession a most precious ring , among the stones of which was an opal which had this singular quality , that it rendered whatever man wore the ring agreeable before God and man . The Shah grew old , having three sons , all of whom he loved equally well , so that he was at a loss to which he should give this precious ring , which would
make the possessor agreeable both before God and man . At length he called upon a cunning goldsmith , and toldhim to make two other rings so exactly like the one he then had that even he himself should not be able to distinguish one ring from the other . Upon his deathbed the Shah called his sons around him , and , presenting them with the three rings , told them that one of them had the attribute of making its possessor agreeable both before God and man . He knew not which ring was the true one , and fortune must decide ; but he trusted that each would consider himself the possessor of it ; so that to whosoever ' s lot it might fall , all would show by the propriety of their conduct that they were deserving of it . ' "
He then eulogized both English and American institutions , and said : — " I feel that it is not the living under a Government called a republic that will secure the liberties of the people , but that quite as just and honest laws may exist under a monarchy as under a republic . ( Cheers . ) If I wanted an illustration I need only , as I have done , examine the institutions of England and the United States , to show that under different forms of government equal liberty can and does exist—( cheers )—and I trust that the people will , in the fulness of time , show which is deserving to be the possessor of the real ring' by the propropriety of their behaviour . ( Cheers . )" This elegant speech of Kossuth ' s finished up the entertainment . AT SOUTIIAMl'TON .
The great banquet at Southampton took place on Tuesday . Kossuth arrived at the city of welcome from London about throe , accompanied by many distinguished friends , and proceeded to the house of Mr . CroBkey , the American Consul . Thence he proceeded to the towa residence of the Mayor , whore- he received deputations and addresses from SheHiekl , Durham , Sunderland , Leicester , and other places , to all of which he replied briefly . From the Mayor ' s house to the banquetting room he went in the Mayor ' s carriage . The streets were crowded with spectators . An authentic correspondent says , " The town was all alive . " Kossuth and the Mayor alighted , and walked Homo distance through the people . The utmost
enthusiasm prevuiled . The Town-hall wua decorated with flags und flowers . Places were reserved for the Indies ; Mrs . Andrews , with Miss Croskey , the daughter of the American Consul , occupying posts of honour . Dinner was provided for two hundred . The Mayor presided in his robes of office , having the mace before him . On his right Hat M . KosHuth , attired in a close-fitting frock coat with open sleeves who , we are sorry to add , appeared to be in indifu > rent V ** " * - At tho Mayor ' s table wero Lord 1 ) . Stuart , M P ., Mr . Wyld , M . l \ , Alderman D . W . Wire Colonel Lawrence United States , Mr . Croekcy American Consul , Honourable Mr . Walker lato Secretary to the Treasury United Spates , M . Pulszki ,
Mr . E . E . Crowe , Mr . E . a . Salisbury , M . C . Gilpin , Mr . Deacon Town-clerk , Mr . Wilcox , M . P . for Southampton , Mr . Mangles , M . P ., Mr . J . Casseilj Mr . G . Borrett , J . P ., Samuel Adams , Esq ., banker . & c . & c . After the good things had been disposed of , the cloth removed , the Queen ' s health drunk ' with cheers , and " One cheer more for America , " Prince Albert also being duly honoured ; letters were read from Mr . Abbott Lawrence , who excused himself on the ground of ill health , and Captain Townshend , M . P ., who regretted his own absence the more as a portion of the presshad attempted to throw odium on the name of KossTith .
Mr . O'Connor attempted to make acquaintance with Kossuth , twice during the evening , violating all the ordinary rules of courtesy in so doing , and being severely called to order by the Mayor . The toasts were given in the following order : —¦ " Long life and prosperity to his Highness the Sultan of Turkey . " " The President of the United States . " " Lord Palmerston and her Majesty's Ministers . " " The Borough Members . " These toasts were introduced pithily by the Mayor , and the last responded to by Mr . Wilcox , Sir Alexander Cockburn not appearing . More or less , also , these toasts were loudly applauded ; but when the next fell from the lips of Mr .
Andrews" The health of his Excellency Louis Kossuth — the enthusiasm of the company went far beyond all ordinary expressions of satisfaction , and for several instants the whole party stood up in a body , cheering , waving handkerchiefs , and thumping the tables . Kossuth ' s reply was full of grace and feeling . Unfortunately he was suffering considerably in body ; but he spoke with his accustomed clearness and marvellous choice of language . The first sentences of his oration were praises of England and English institutions . He called it a paradise ; and at the close of every sentence arose a deafening burst of cheers . And that England was so happy a place , he said , was because she was free .
" Well may the working classes of England be identified with the great principle of liberty , because without liberty there is no lasting social order . It is indispensable that every man should in full security enjoy the fruits of his own labour . Without liberty , obedience to the law cannot be insured , because when the lawgiver ia a tyrant and a despot , obedience to the law reposes only on fear , but when the lawgivers are the people themselves , they will obey the laws , although they may be oppressive , because they know that within themselves is the power of modification . ( Hear , hear . ) Therefore I siy , that without liberty there is no obedience to law .
Without liberty there is no field for the productive labour of those who work . Without liberty there is no security for person and property . ( Hear , hear . ) And yet if it be not the aim of human nature to open a field for productive labour , to create security for person and property , to soften men's hearts and to develope men ' s minds , I do not know what the aim of human nature can be . ( Hear , hear . ) It is not without reason that all classes in England unite in expressing their sympathy with that principle which , under different forms of government , but under similar institutions , is the blessing-, the glory , and the happiness of the English race in both hemispheres . ( Loud cheers . )"
Applauding Free-trade , he said , that without liberty in Europe there could be no free intercourse , no Freetrade . Passing from this topic , his declaration that the principle of all evil on the European Continent was the despotic and encroaching power of Russia , ' ' was received with hearty cheers . " There , " said he , " is the rock which breaks every sigh for freedom on Europe ' s Continent ! " He was a Protestant himself ; but in Hungary civil and religious liberty had always flourished .
' It may suffice to say , that the freedom of Protestantism in Hungary was secured by laws , was aecured by treaties on the maintenance of which the existence of the Hapsburg dynasty was made to depend . In 1818 this was included amongst other reforms ; and scarcely had Russia raised the fallen house of Austria , by putting its foot on the neck of Hungary , when the first deed of the restored hou . se was to destroy the rights of Protestant liberty in Hungary . And then , gentlemen , this is connected with another fact with respect to the Catholic Church . The kings of Hungary , in former time . i , wero always anxious not to allow any power to meddle , and chiefly not to nllow the Court of Rome to meddle in the
temporal affairs of the Catholic Church in Hungary , so much ho that one of our most glorious kingn , Mattliius Corvinses , an Hungarian by birth , seeing the encroachments of the Court of Rome on his rightH , said to one of the popes , 4 May you holiness remember that Hungary , which bears a double cross on her bannert ) , has never endured that the Court of Rome nhould interfere with the liberty of the Hungarian people . ' Wo anxious were the Hungarians in former ( linen to secure their independence . And when the Kinperor of Russia had succeeded in crushing Hungary , one of the first thingu that he did was to give the J « nuitn of Koine full power to feed on Hungary— (/ mar , hear ) -and with thia ho united the destruction o / the autonomy of the Protcutant
Church . ( Hear , hear . ) Russian influence has increased since the Hungarian invasion , ami Jesuitism has increased in . power . It is Russia England meets at every stepon tho BpsiihoruH , on tho . Nile , ut Horut . in P « kin «
< Of Nor. 1, 1851.] Gy»-Gett*T. 1031
< of Nor . 1 , 1851 . ] gy » -gett * t . 1031
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 1, 1851, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_01111851/page/3/
-