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^ T.SJ B jD iEAIQffi ft. [frp. 854 Satob...
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PROSPECTS OF THE BALLOT. . The Ballot is...
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SOUTHAMPTONIANA. Southampton- is, at pre...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Garotte And The Gallows. X/Ife And P...
BTfnadT for Trim . " We liare servants inour household who are perfect strangers to us , and not strange to the ' cousin' that comes in at night , unbeknown' if possible . We have a church that offers no Tooni for the unrespeetable classes—nofc much use , therefore , is the pastor to those lost sheep , either for guidance , support , or consolation . We have
whole districts of which our legislators and rulers know nothing—our fences and Fagins everything . " We have prisons , with official Jebbs to hinder reform , and chaplains to teach hypocrisy . We have London Scoundrels and . British Judges to proclaim war to the knife—or rather war f o the gallows—with that race made hostile . And then we wonder
that there are criminals in the Iand , or that the gar otter has rather a hankering , —no , not to hang the London Scoundrel , but only to make him pay the reckoning for his bad manners .. Really , the balance of cruelty , wantonness , and folly is not on the side of the felon .
^ T.Sj B Jd Ieaiqffi Ft. [Frp. 854 Satob...
^ T . SJ B jD iEAIQffi ft . [ frp . 854 Satobbaj ,
Prospects Of The Ballot. . The Ballot Is...
PROSPECTS OF THE BALLOT . . The Ballot is decidedly a rising question . It has already lived down many objections , although it is as yet -untried in England . Just as its traditional opponents have been casting the old slur upon its efficacy , the " Bed Jacket comes from the Antipodes and reports that it has satisfied all classes of politicians in the AiUstralian and , Tasmanian colonies . Mr . Bebleexet has contributed several admirable letters to this winter ' s discussion , and Sir-Abtehtb . Elto ^ t has published a no less admirable pamphlet . We confess to feeling some interest in the political progress of Sir . A TtTHiTB Eetoit . He is sineere , bold , vigorous . He is practical and studious . He has contrived to write forty pages of very sound and readable argument on so well-worn a subject as the "Ballot . *
He calls it a Conservative measure . But he probably knows that Conservatism is only the pretence of the Conservative party . The typical Liberal is far Jess inclined to experiment than the typical Tory . The Liberal principle is , to provide safety-valves and other securities ; the Tory principle is to see what pressure the engine will bear , without bursting . Sir Akthur , therefore , appeals to a principle which does not exist among the Tory order , when he treats the Ballot as a " Conservative '' measure . Catholic
Emancipation , the Reform Bill , the Repeal of the CornJaws , were Conservative measures ; but the sense in which the Ballot is Conservatism is not that winch would satisfy the country party . It would conserve the institutions of the State , but not the bribery , intimidation , and obnoxious influence by which the interests of the State are sacrificed to the selfishness of a class .
We , however , as Conservatives , accept Sir Aa . TH . xrii Ei / pon ' s description of the Ballot . We thmk his statement so useful , that it deserves the widest possible circulation , and shall , therefore , notice its more prominent points . He starts with the opinion that any further ; concession of the suffrage without the protection of the Ballot would be fallacious and injurious . Without the Ballot , indeed , we have mo means of testing the itimate results of the
leg Reform Bill . We have never yet had a Parliament which represented th © principles or the sentiments even of the narrow constituent body . We cannot say of what colour a majority would pe , returned at a general election , entirely iree from unconstitutional influences . We have , then , a House of Commons created by a machinery which has never been free to ^ o ^ vy ji ^ oiitj ] le _ iiite £ ference of the landed A Ji ^ w * L ? V Cons < ™ t ™ e Measvrer BySir Arthur . H . Elton , Bart . Rldgway .
or moneyed aristocracy . ? 3 Go obtain a House of Commons , elected in the true spirit of the Constitution , a system of secret voting is indispensable , ; but it is formidabl y democratic , would throw enormous power into the hands of demagogues , demoralize the political habits of the people , and prove , mechanically , a total failure . Such is the Alpha and such of the
the Om ^ dissentients alphabet , for neither Whigs nor Tories pretend to reconcile the inconsistency of a mechanical failure producing a moral revolution . If votes cannot be secret , the system called secret voting cannot be dangerous ; but facts are against the objectors . We have mentioned the report of the Red Jacket . Sir Aethub , Elton and
Mr . Bekkexey show that an Holland , in Sardinia , and in our Australian , colonies , the Ballot has proved perfectly successful . If in certain abates of America secrecy is not observed , that is the fault of the voters , not of the machinery . As to the extirpation of legitimate influences , no legitimate influences are sought to be destroyed ; only , under the Ballot , an elector must be persuaded , and not compelled . In the "United States it protects the holder of unpopular opinions against the
fury of a factious mob , and in England it would protect the individual from the intimidation of his landlord , employer , or customer , place him beyond the reach of bribery , and render the franchise an honourable privilege instead of "being , as it often is now , a nuisance to its possessor . It is easy to declaim about an open , manly way of walking up to the polling-booth and avowing your opinions ; but to walk up to a booth and vote for a candidate notoriously against your will ,
is not to avow your opinion , but to degrade yourself and expose your degradation . If your position be independent , their put your vote in the box , and . say , " I voted for the Radical member ;'\ but , do not force your less independent neighbour , with views as liberal as your own , to vote in the interest of a High Church customer , or allow the beggarly ' freeman ' at the corner to neutralize your iudependence by his corruption , and render your unbought suffrage of no effect ,
becausehe has been paid five shillings for his own Secrecy , at the worst , is not so demoralizing as political cowardice , or as political cheating . Under the open system , half the country elections are forced , and a large number of the borough elections purchased . To remedy this scandal , which , is perpetuated in spite of all the preventive Acts that can be devised , let us have the Ballot . It may have failed in France ; but , as Sir Arthub Elton" very
cogently shows , the failure of the ballot on the morrow of a military usurpation can have no application to England . Prance has a puppet legislature ;—that is no reason why we should abolish the two Houses . The objections against the Ballob are breaking down on all sides . There is really some chance that , if the Liberal party would now undertake a vigorous movement , this important reform might be brought within reach .
Southamptoniana. Southampton- Is, At Pre...
SOUTHAMPTONIANA . Southampton- is , at present , a cheering scene . Who believes in the political apathy of the English people ? Let him visit that large port , packet-station , county town , county , and railway terminus on Southampton water , source of the Fitzboy baronial honours , an ancient and a proud place , which ia now challenged to return a fit and proper representative to Parliament . From the cloud of placards on the walls you might believe that the city had been put up to auction . From the patriotic enunciations in colossal type you \ night imagine that never smce the brave Horatiub hold the bridge did public spirit bum more vividly than now in
Southampton . Every tenth male a & ult is a committee man . " We € HJ 3 ! : lin , " " Andsews " " Builes , " are more conspicuous than the appellations of the streets , the ghost of the candidature of ¦ " Edwin James" blushing in red ink under Bur lbb's blue . Why ? "What is Southampton doing ? Jllecting the parliamentary successor of Sic Alexander Cockbubu , who has tripped up the Southampton ladder to the Chief Justiceship of the Common Pleas . Now , Southampton is an antique town which , ever since the year 1295 , has returned two members to
Parliament . It is adorned with a mayoralty , with ten aldermen , and thirty councillors ; and it has a constituency of about two thousand four hundred electors . At the last general election , seventeen resident freemen still encumbered the lists , besides two hundred and fifty scot and lot electors . Shipmasters ,
shipbuilders , and the persons in their employ , railway and port officials , hotel-keepers , and a multitude of people who nibble at the purses of travellers passing through , constitute the polite population . How is it that such a constituency is so intensely interested in political affairs , so public-spirited , so patriotic ?
The truth is ( calumny might say ) , that the Southaraptonians are neither public-spirited nor patriotic , and care no more for politics than for the sea-sickness of the gentlemen who have left their hotels for India . The constituency is an estate , out of which each person makes what he can— -with the exception of a minority of simple persons , who " fancy , while they are voting , that they are acting under the direction of their conscience and in obedience to duty . Clearly , these people have no idea of the true purposes of an election—no notion , that they send WEauEiiN- into Parliament that he
may support the Bank Charter Act , or Butleu that he may obtain a certain railway bill , . or Andbews that he may bring a larger business to his door . Of course , suggestions of this sort are merely malicious . We have been much irritated by the frightful imputations cast by certain anonymous partisans of Mr . WEGUEMir upon the procedure of Mr . Andbews ' s agents . They say that the coach-building interest is kept in view . This is mean . But , on the other
hand , the impure satirists of the Weguelin claims hint that the Bank Director merely wishes to bargain with Southampton for a seat in Parliament in the interest of the Bank Charter Act . And these poisonous whisperers glance , also , at Sir Henby Butleu , and say , "Oh ! a railway affair . " All these insinuations , we know , are perfectly groundless . Bribery and intimidation are impossible under the new Act . Besides , the electors are Great Britons , proud of the franchise , conscious
that they guard the palladium , <& c . The only tittle of evidence in support of the charge alluded to is , that the price of Southampton , is notoriously not far short of 5000 U That sum of money , however , easily goes . Let one of the three ^ candidates be elected , and , such is our confidence in the political purity of Englishmen , that we believe not a single case of bribery or treating , within the meaning of the Act , could be proved . Still Mr . Andkews knows the value of public life , Mr . Wegueliw understands how useful a
seat m Parliament will be next session to the Bank of England , Sir Henry Butler is perfectly awaro that there are expenses which cannot be avoidod . Say , O Lankesteb ! for thou knowest , what were tho words of Palmebston when the names of Andbews and Weguelin wore mentioned aa candidates for Southampton , iuc 0 Cocjoukn promoted ? Ho Baid , aa-ys Liux-KESTJCit , that Wkqueli ]* was fit and ' proper ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 3, 1857, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_03011857/page/14/
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