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J^Sl^^ THE XBAi>EB. [Satubdat%
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JErrata in our Last—In the Literary Summ...
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SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1855.
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'There is nothing so revolutionary, beca...
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THE SITUATION—NOT COMFORTABLE. "The Situ...
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THE NATIONAL PARTY TRIED BY ITS OPPORTUN...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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Jerrata In Our Last—In The Literary Summ...
JErrata in our Last—In the Literary Summary , page 89 2 nd column , Seth line from the top , instead of Grey ' s Essays , read Oreg's Essays ; 48 th line from the top , for arduous , read odious . ¦
Terms Of Subscription To ^Jirlwow," "For...
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION TO ^ jirlwOw , " "For a Half-Yea * ... ..... i ... >»; *<> IS 0 . To be remitted in advance . I ® - Money Orders should be drawn upon tteteuro Branch Office , and be mad © payable to Mr . Aiiebd E . QaS-OWAT . at No . 1 , Wellington Street , Strand .
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Saturday, February 3, 1855.
SATURDAY , FEBRUARY 3 , 1855 .
-' -•- / La\Th I Ti* Oh Ffytf 1*Jft ¦ . ¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦¦ ¦ •Ayiul'll-I . ^Ulu-I -L *!? • ¦¦¦¦ - ¦ ^—
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'There Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Beca...
' There is nothing so revolutionary , because there w nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the steam to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Pb . Abnoij > .
The Situation—Not Comfortable. "The Situ...
THE SITUATION—NOT COMFORTABLE . " The Situation" been _ any thing but dignified for the great country that calls itself England . ¥ e , the conquerors in many a field , have been called upon to go to war , we -take our rusted " arms out of the Museum j > f Peace , send our soldiers into the field—and the result is the state of things in the Crimea . Haying at last be ^» obliged tp confess that the cjoimtxy . M * diBgraced ; we want find out ^ theculprit ; The War Minister is the most obviously responsible ; but there is no case against him . The more the facts are investigated , the more evident it becomes that the Duke of Newcastle neither neglected his duty , overlooked the necessary orders , nor ^ was personally incapable ; but we have an army organised not to do campaigning , and a staff of public servants organised not to execute the public business until the opportuof disaster has been turned to account . been turned to account .
nity nity ot disaster has " The system , " is the culprit . Very unsatisfactory conclusion , since the public is indignant * and burns to punish somebody . The whole arrangement for a criminal charge is ready , Roebuck prosecuting ; we are only waiting for a case . At last it is procured—JJord John Russell turns Queen ' s evidence . " That is the man ! " he cries , pointing to Newcastle , " and those are his accomplices . " The public want is met by the enlightened selfishness of British commerce : Lord John
has sold his colleagues ; they are arraigned , condemned , and executed . The Aberdeen Ministry is dead ; we pause , and we find that there is no case . The Powell * of the Cabinet had been romancing . He has his deserts—and so have we . The great British nation , through its elected representatives in Parliament
assembled , has been hoaxed ! We want a new- Ministry , and then we find our plight . Parties in Parliament are bo broken up , that not one can command a majority . That is , as in matters of religious " heresy , " men are so divided about seaondary matters , that the great standards of the British constitution cease to rally the sons of England . Our gentry squabble and divide into little joint-stock coteries , mutual guarantee associations , to secure prizes to their The Whig inatteator of the Chartist follies of 1848 .
own members . The party which for its own share commands the largest support , is that Tory faction , whose old rallying cry was divine right ; whose late principle , still unrenbunced ,. * f protection" tp exclude > . the raw material of bread from our ports ; and whose latest apology was to reconcile our finance with the new principles of commerce ! But even that party cannot command enough of the Commons to found a Government upon . The Queen " sends for" statesmen , one after
another , but they confess themselves beneath the power of undertaking to conduct affairs . England , who could once produce two or three Ministers at a pinch , can now only produce one by a hollow truce among the factions , who substitute for outward competition treachery in the Cabinet ! They ride about in cab and coach , interviewing each other ; but cannot form au Administration . At last , a member of the late Cabinet returns to Lord John , " dog " land who
And while the gentlemen of Eng monopolise the entree to Downing-streetwho parade the exclusive right to be " sent for "—are cabbing it about town in search of a Government , the popular members flock about clubs , asking the latest news , as if they had no more concern in it than if official England were Java ; while the people looks on in sheer helplessness , opening its marvellous mouth ; and wondering what sort of Government " Negotiation" will send it . Such is the " attitude" of England ' s people , with a great war , on hand , and a great Alliance waiting for it to come up .
The National Party Tried By Its Opportun...
THE NATIONAL PARTY TRIED BY ITS OPPORTUNITY . Neveb have the parties which compete for political power in this country been put to so severe a trial as they are by the state of the war and by our alliances on the Continent . The most glorious opportunity offers itself for any man , or set of men , who can grasp the power of England . The most magnificent results await a simple use " of that power . It cannot be said that any of the parties represented in the late Cabinet have been able to profit by the opportunity ; yet , instrictJustice ; r'it qannotDe said ^ that they have forfeited the opportunity . The late Ministry was framed for the purpose of carrying on her Majesty ' s Government , beneficially to the public of course . We believe that many of the members joined the Cabinet for that object , and no other . Whatever opinion we may have as to the fitness of Lord
Aberdeen to be head of a War Ministry—and no one has given stronger evidence of his unfitness than Lord John Russell , in betraying to the public how completely the Earl held aloof from the management of the warwe still are impressed with the conviction that he would not nave undertaken office if it had not been from the sincere desire to save the
country from embarrassment through the want of responsible servants . The statesmen who entered his Cabinet had various objects in view ; but , at all events , they were called upon by the fact of their position to waive their individual or party pretensions , and to submit to a neutralising balance of power within the Cabinet . Thus , no set of men as individuals or as a party , had an opportunity of signalising themselves . While they were simply carrying on public business , their subordinates were quarelling in the competition for the sweets of office . We excuse the
Aberdeen Cabinet for its neglect of the war , by pronouncing it to have been from its origin incapable of acting with vigour , or with that ambitious love of distinction which is , after all , the true support of the statesman . But now that the Aberdeen Cabinet is gone , the opportunity is open . There is not only
office , as in ordinary times * for any party that will take it , but there is an opportunity for leading this country through a great war ; for re-establishing her influence in Europe ; for taking up the championship of national independence against its great enemy , Russia ; and for initiating a new order of things on the Continent . A chivalrous mission is advertising for the man to execute it , and he will have to his hand all the power and treasure which this country can bestow .
When we look around , however , we find no statesmen , or set of statesmen , who appear anxious to undertake the mission . Lord Abebdeen , head of the Government which was actually in possession of the opportunity , did not give his attendance to the war business . The Duke of Newcastle was generally devoted and diligent in his vocation , but he had not sufficient strength to wield the power in his hands . Lord Palmebston would be
ambitious to make a noise , if not to show his efficiency in any post in which he might be placed ; we have no pledge , and little faith , that he would undertake the mission now open to the British statesmen , that of reducing the power of Russia . Lord John Russell has gone so far as to hint at peace with Russia , without any terms humiliating to that power ; the arrogance of that power absolutelv demanding humiliation for the safety sfaction of the
of Europe , if not for the sati powers she has provoked . The Earl of Carlisle and the Marquis of Gbanby , fair representatives of the Whig and Tory parties , have both hinted at a peace arranged with absolute consideration for the honour or the pride of Russia . The men representing the parties who usually compete for the trust of the Crown , have already shown that they are either indifferent to the opportunity , or absolutely resolved to misuse it , by defending
Russia from the consequences of her own rashness , and by shrinking from the exercise of English power ; It would be a glorious opportunity if we had any " National Party" capable of now stepping in . We will not pause to develop all the ideas that crowd upon the mind at the mere contemplation of such an opening . If ' ~ poplilaf ' party , " " niid"dleHcl'fis " s ' state ' a- ''
men , could give us some few such men as the working statesmanship or the landed gentry of England has produced at former periods , the finest results might now be secured for the people of this country , of France , of Austria . Let us but name the most immediate consequences . France and Austria have joined in an alliance which places them in direct opposition to Russia and Prussia : the two latter are banded to
defeat the alliance , by a combination of armies and of diplomacies : the military power of Austria must be absorbed in defending herself against her Northern enemy : she would not have that power to employ for the maintenance of her provinces against internal insurgents : the statesmen at Vienna know the position in which they stand , and its immediate necessities : they are prepared , it mny be presumed , with measures for retaining the provinces of the empire without military coercion—measures , in effect , for
securing the co-operation of the subjects of Austria . The reforming statesmen of Vienna must be prepared to take the load of a revolution . Such is the position nbroad . Our Government has had tho patience to compass tliat alliance ; it breaks down in the grander office of . mastering the consequences and controlling the * results . Could a truly popular English member , a Cromwell , now take the lead , what influence would his counsel exercise over the treatment of the provinces of Austria , over the " gains" which the allies of Austria must get out of the war , of which
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 3, 1855, page 12, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_03021855/page/12/
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