On this page
-
Text (2)
-
310 &&* Hi aft 11* [Saturday,
-
PARLIAMENT OF THE WEEK. The discussion o...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
310 &&* Hi Aft 11* [Saturday,
310 &&* Hi aft 11 * [ Saturday ,
Parliament Of The Week. The Discussion O...
PARLIAMENT OF THE WEEK . The discussion on the Army Estimates was opened on Monday evening by Mr . Hume moving that no money be voted until the financial statement has been made . Government had brought forward an absurd budget , which had been universally cd * i * demned ; and then withdrawn for reconsideration The country was placed in a state of complete embarrassment on account of the way in which business was neglected . It was high time for Parliament to
effect of rtoppfcg ; KtotfcWr measures of reform for a considerable periotl , ? ttd iniglit lead to the placing of the affairs of thii « ount * fr in tj * e hands of those who were opposed to & tt reforms . The only result of introducing measures such as thtemust be disappointment and delay . '» Sir Benjamin Hall and Sir De Lacy Evans both Urged Mr . King to withdraw his motion , seeing that they had had so distinct a declaration as to the intentions of the noble lord . Mr . Bright said he had liBtened with considerable satisfaction to the frank declaration of tlte Secretary-at-War , but what said the noble lord on the subject ? The majority were agreed that the country is about to take another step
on the platform of the Reform . Bill , but the Secretary-at-War objected to the present bill because it dealt with only a part of the question . There was some force in the objection , but when Mr . Hume came forward with his proposal to give the whole thing at once , they were told that the proposition was too monstrous to be even discussed . The question they had now to discuss was , whether they ought not to extend the £ 10 franchise to the inhabitants of counties . No one would say that that class had less industry , frugality , intelligence , and virtue than . £ 10 householders residing in boroughs . Why , then , refuse to give them the franchise ? Were they told
that it would increase the Protectionist interest ? Even if it should . he would not object to the bill . He would not look to a measure merely as tending to give Whigs or Protectionists the power to hold office . If the noble lord would give an outline of what he intended to do the bill might be withdrawn , but till it was known whether the measure to be proposed would be a large and generous one , or a small and peddling one , there was no ground for giving up the present bill . Mr . Hume , Mr . Headlam , Mr . T . Duncombe , Mr . Alderman Sidney , Mr . Skauman Crawford , Mr . Heyworth , and Mr . M'Cdllagh , all declared their determination to vote for the
second reading , chiefly on the ground that Lord John had said nothing yet on which they could rely . Mr . Bernal Osborne , Mr . H . Pigott , Colonel Romilly , all urged Mr . King to withdraw the bill . Colonel Thompson , who took the same view , said he differed altogether from those Free Traders who thought it a matter of no consequence who sat on the Ministerial benches . " He would rather see a foreign army in possession of London six weeks , than see the Protectionists for six weeks in possession of those benches . " Lord John Russell , put it to the House
" Martial law was * with <* *» dr » nor less than the will of the general who commanded th « Army ; it was in tact no law at all . The gen * ral must carry the law into execution . He was bound to lay down accurately the rules and regulations and limits within and by which it was to be tsarried into exertion . He had , in defence of his country , carried old wtftttial law , that wa « W « ay , he had carried on the laws of the country by his own will . What dui tha * mean ? Why , that the country should be governed lcarried into
W tfce national laws * and he accordingy execution those laws . He governed the country by the law * of the cotmtry ; vnd he governed it , he must say , * Ith such moderation that the political servants of the country , whose military forces were driven out of the country , acted under his direction . The judges sat m the courts of law , and conducted efficiently the business of the country under his direction . He never was suspected to have acted in the manner in which the noble viscount who had addressed their lordships was said to have done , in
and he protested against being called into comparison any -way whatever with the noble viscount . { Cheers . ) Earl Gre y said that all he meant was merely that there might , no doubt , be cases in which soldiers and officers acting under the noble duke , who would be guilty of abuses contrary to his wishes , and for which they would no doubt be punished . " So he thought it very likely there were abuses in Ceylon of which his noble friend , the governor of that colony , knew nothing ; but if such abuses did take place , he was sure no one would be more ready than his noble friend to punish them as soon as they became known to him . "
Two suffrage measures came under discussion m the House of Commons , on Wednesday : the Compound Householders' Bill , and Mr . Locke King's County Franchise Bill . The House having gone into committee on the former measure , Sir William Clay proposed to introduce a clause which should give lodgers or occupants , tendering the amount of rates due from the landlord , a right to vote . Lord John Russell admitted the justice of the proposed amendment , but opposed it on the ground of form . " In point of fairness to the House there ought to have been notice given of the intended amendment . " Mr . Bright thought it better to allow the proposed alteration to be made . Sir William Clay ultimately consented to withdraw the amendment , and would give
notice of reintroducing it on bringing up the report . Previous to the bill being reported Lord Robert Grosvenor suggested that as three of the four leaders of parties in the House had declared in favour of an extension of the suffrage , and as Lord John Russell had promised to bring forward a bill for that object , it would be better that all partial measures should be withdrawn , and that the House should come to a tacit agreement to take up the subject next year in a spirit of conciliation and comprehensive liberality . Mr . W . Williams said that was simply asking them to do nothing this session ; and Ministers , in return , if they should happen to be in office next year , and felt disposed , would do something , nobody what .
whether it was desirable to affirm the proposition upon the ground upon -which Mr . King had put it , namely , that this was one of the measures he wished to see carried ; and whether , as so much depended upon the constitution of the electoral body , they should adopt one measure now and another hereafter , instead of having a whole scheme for the alteration or extension of the franchise at once before the House . He had been asked to give some view of the nature of the proposition he intended to make , but he thought that would be the very worst course to
In moving the second reading of the County Franchise Bill , Mr . Locke King disclaimed all intention of wishing to embarrass Ministers , or of not being in earnest . He had felt that great interests were at stake , that the cause of free trade was in danger , owing to the great diminution in our county constituencies . Making allowance for the increase of population since 1841 , he found that the falling off in the number of county electors was 9 / 5 , 270 , or nearly 20 per cent . This showed that there were causes for such an alteration as he demanded . He warned
Mipursue : — " There might be many weighty reasons for bringing forward a measure for the extension of the suffrage during the present year , but there might also be many good reasons ( and he thought there were ) for postponing the Bubject to another year ; but he did not think any intelligent reason could be assigned for stating in the present year the general nature of the proposition which he intended to make next year , and to let it go forth unexplained to the country , to be canvassed and discussed
nisters against putting off the question of reform till it was too late . Delay and postponement had always been the characteristic of the Tory party . They never took warning , although history was full of examples . Mr . Fox Maule hoped M-r . King would not press this measure , which , he admitted , had been undertaken by him bonii fide . He concurred in what had been said by Lord J . Russell , that the class comprehended by the bill was perfectly worthy to enjoy the franchise ; lie believed that the time had come when an extension of the franchise might be conceded ; and tho noble lord had most distinctly given the House and the country to understand that , had not other measures of importance intervened , he should have introduced this session a measure for the
imfrom time to time during the whole period between this and the next session of Parliament . He adhered to the declaration he had made on other occasions , that on the ground of the improvement and intelligence of tho people , and the general spread of information since the year 1831 , and likewise because of the defects of the Reform Bill itself , that it would be wise of the House in the course of the next session , and he should say at the very commencement of the session , to consider a measure for the extension of the franchise . " Mr . DrsuAKLT auid he would oppose any attempt to strengthen a particular party or elans by menus of a new Re-form Hill . Mr . Lock it Kino said he left the question in the hant ' B of the House . Ou a division the numbers Were : — " . For the motion 83 Against it . 2 !> 1 > Majority ugitintillhe second reading . ' " " ' A hhort conversation took pluec in the Houho of Comment * on Tuesday regarding the foreign refugees in London . Mr . J . , S . Woirn . nY asked Sir < Je <» 'g (! ( ji rey whether his attention had been called to tlu ' proceeding !* of certain perHonH , not Nu'bje . cts of her Mujesty , but ut prcHent residing in this country :- — " He had in his possession ihe proofs of the existence of u wide-npreud conspiracy throughout all Europe , u brunch of which wan extended to thin oountry . There I'xistt ) in . thin country a body styling ituelf the Centra ' European Committee , ' which professed in its manifesto the subvention of ull the governments of central Europe , without confining itself to any number , . or exeinpti » K liny one ; and thut this committee recommended , us tll « r
dungerprovement of the Reform Act . He deprecated a bit by bit system of reform ; he warned Reformers that their measures could be carried only by union among themselves , and that there was a party in that House which did not recognize the neceHsity of reform , and tvKH opposed to the party by which measures of reform had been carried : — " He culled upon them then to combine , und follow the banner of him who , twenty years ago , had led them to one of the greatest reforms that any country had ever
reinterfere and compel Government to bring- forward the budget . The House ought to look at the enormous increase of expenditure which has taken place during the last ten years . In 1842 the whole amount of the revenue was £ 48 , 500 , 000 , and at present it was between £ 54 , 000 , 000 and £ 55 , 000 , 000 . In the changed circumstances of the country , when profits were so much reduced , and when distress was pressing upon particular interests , they must begin the work of reduction . Sir Charles Wood understood Mr . Hume's
object to be to obtain an assurance that the budget would be brought forward on Friday . He could assure him that it would , " unless some unforeseen occurrence should take place . There was no man in the House more anxious than himself that the statement should be made . " Mr . W . Williams said Sir Charles Wood had entirely mistaken the object of Mr . Hume ' s complaint . What he had complained of was that Sir Charles had delayed bringing forward the budget until he had obtained
the army , navy , and ordnance votes , amounting to about £ 14 , 500 , 000 . Mr . Sharman Ckawfoed , Mr . Mowatt , and Mr . Wakley all complained of the delay which had taken place in proposing the budget ; and Sir Charles again stated , amidst the laughter of the House , that " it was his intention to make his statement on Friday . " Mr . Hume ' s motion was then withdrawn , and the House went into committee . Some discussion took place on most of the votes , but they were all carried by large majorities .
Lord Torkington , taking advantage of the present favourable juncture of circumstances for so awkward a case , brought forward the Ceylon question in the House of Lords , on Tuesday evening , by moving that a message be sent to the House of Commons for a copy of the report and evidence of the select committee on Ceylon . He felt compelled to call their lordships' attention to the subject in consequence of the withdrawal of Mr . H . Baillie's notice of motion in the House of Commons , which left him no other means of meeting , without delay , the calumnies he had been exposed to . He asserted that his conduct in Ceylon had been in accordance with the views of
the members of the civil Government , and , when measures of restriction became necessary , with those of the military authorities on the spot . When he first assumed the administration of Ceylon his attention was directed to the means of making the revenue equal to the expenditure ; and the measures he adopted , both by improving the first and reducing the second , had been attended with , success , and proved that he had the interests of the colony at heart . The proclamation of martial law when disturbances occurred had been made a matter of charge agninst him ; but when the treacherous habits of an Eastern population , as contrasted with those of an European , were duly con-Bidcred , he felt persuaded that the necessity of taking strong and decisive measures to secure the tranquillily of the country would be admitted . He denied
that tae courts-martial were improperly conducted ; and he asked , looking to the character of the officers employed , whether it was likely they would lend themselves to acts of cruelty and injustice . The ordinary eivil power could not have preserved the peace of the country , and the Legislative Council in 1848 and 1849 approved his conduct . In proof of this he read addresses from European colonists and merchants at Ceylon expressing regret at his resignation . Earl Ghky thought Inn noble friend had done right in calling the attention of the ( louse to the subject . As regarded the course pursued in putting down the rebellion , he thought it had been dictated by true humanity . The Governor , indeed , was re-Bponsible for proclaiming martial law , but it rested with the officers who carried it out to adminiHter it with humanity am well as firmness : —
" To say that no abunc might have taken place during the existence of martial law was , as bis noble friend Htuted , more than any man could take upon himself to uflirm . When in time of war and in periods of rebellion , when the x ) rdinury administration of the luw was necessarily arrested , and when it became necessary to restrain and curb the evil passions of mankind , it whs impossible to believe thut abimes would not sometimes take place . The noble duke who sut at the table had hud experience of these things . To check those ubuses the noble duke was compelled to adopt measures of very great severity , and to place the people under very great und wholesome rigour . In the aume manner , when his noble friend adopted martial law in Ceylon , abuses might have taken place , but it was equally cleur thut whatever uny persons might htive done wus done ugainut the desire und against the will of his noble friend . " The Duke of Wellington , with greut indignation , disclaimed all comparison between bin murtiul law and thut of Lord Torrington : — -
ceived at the hands of any Government , , and who would if allowed to use his own time and to exercise his own feelings , lead them to still further victories in the constitutional progress of l'urliumentury reform . Ho was confident that his noble friend would do thut if the Iteform party would combine together ; but , on the other hand , if they withdrew from him thut confidence to which he thought he wub justly entitled at their bunds , and from time to time brought forward measures to extend the franchise , then their endeavours , »<> far from being buocessful , might end in a discussion which would have the
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), April 5, 1851, page 2, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_05041851/page/2/
-