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Leader (1850-1860), 6th December 1851, Edition Country of 2, Page 19

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    • <totmmXm& af tjit %m\t, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL. i^fci
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      Which To See The General Tendency Of A H...

      with duty and all we esteem virtuous , as well as with the advancement of the race , whilst the beautiful so abundantly followed , needs , like our more violent feelings , some depression , lest it connect itself with the feeble emotions , and a loss of noble energy . Hephaistos ,

      Dec; 6, 1851j Mffe &R<I&Rr. ' :' Fjj^

      Dec ; 6 , 1851 J mffe & r < i & rr . ' : ' fJJ ^

      &Lt;Totmmxm& Af Tjit %M\T, Political And Social. I^Fci

      dttgnnptiDM nf tjit ' tywpb , POLITICAL AND SOCIAL . i ^ fci

      K Ossuth, O'Connor, And Thoenton Hunt. (...

      K OSSUTH , O'CONNOR , AND THOENTON HUNT . ( A BETTER TO THE LOCALITIES . ) Professed Co-Workers , —Accounts are rendered weekly of resolutions passed in Chartist Branches , condemning a Member of the Executive , Mr . Thornton Hunt , for what is described as his conduct to Mr . Peargus O'Connor at the Copenhagen-fields meeting , and at the Highbury-barn Banquet . There is a roval peculiarity about Chartism which is curious . As the Imperial Court of France had its " Legion of Honour , " and as other Courts distribute Stars and Garters to whomsoever they intend to distinguish , so the " Imperial Chartists" have their Legion of Honour—which is Censure . Censure is the distinction which the " Old Guards " confer on those who serve them . That Mr . Thornton Hunt is censured I do not , of course , complain ( he does not complain himself ) , but I complain of the partiality of such censure . Why should one Member of the Executive receive this distinction , and not another who equally merits it ? This partiality is unfairin fine , it is wrcdemocratic . In all that Mr . Hunt did I coincided , and coincide still ; and it is not right that I should be excluded from those votes of condemnation by which " pure and simple" Chartists express their gratitude to those who render any difficult service to the common cause .

      Summoned to take part in the demonstration at Copenhagen-house , I arrived in London at midday , and at once proceeded to the grounds . I was refused admission , until I produced an order , which I was so fortunate as to have about me , but to which I had attached no importance , as I deemed my name would be sufficient . But a valued friend who had accompanied me from the country was thrust back , nor could I procure him admission after I was in myself . I asked Mr . Hunt , to whom my friend was equally known , to grant me an order ; but he answered that no order could be given , as the Committee found it necessary not to add any to

      those previously issued . Private interests I knew must always obey the necessities of public rules , and I consented to witness my friend thrust by the crowd into the water in front , without my being able to admit him . When Mr . O'Connor claimed admission the same rule was assigned as the reason , and I acquiesced in it—not readily , but reluctantly in his case ; and the reason of my ultimate acquiescence was the understood disinclination of Kossuth to be subjected to the same annoyance as Mr . O'Connor had subjected him to at Southampton , and which was to the

      the reason Mr . Hunt was compelled to propose Committee the omission of Mr . O'Connor ' s name in the invitations . Surely no gentleman but Mr . O'Connor would have so far forgotten the respect due to himself as to present himself before Kossuth when he knew he desired to avoid him ? And when so many thousands of the people had met to honour Kossuth , it became Mr . O'Connor , as a friend of the people , to absent himself when he found that his presence endangered the unity of the honour , and was likely to create discord , which would have destroyed the whole demonstration .

      While Mr . O'Connor was demanding admission , application came from another Member of Parliament , who was in the crowd , which application 1 referred to Mr . Hunt , as a matter of form , but he r 6 fused to cntertuiu it . Next , a lady , bearing an honoured name , sent up her card to Mr . Hunt , nuking admission in the imme of Mazzini . Mr . Hunt was impartial , and declined to break the rule . Yet Mr . Hunt , who inflexibly maintained the rule adopted by the Committee of Management , who refused u Member of Parliament , refused the application of personal friends , and of the application of a lady for whom he had great respect—did break the rule—he broke the rule in favour of Mr . O'Connor . Mr . Thornton Hunt , whom Chartist h have ho readily and rudely

      eeiiNured , wua the only man who incurred rink to pay ri'Hpect to Mr . O'Connor ; and be went out , uncovered , into the crowd , and in the presence of a hundred applicants for adinisHion—whom he wuh refusing—he admitted Mr . O ' Connor ! Yet thin in the man whom the Chartists select to censure for disrcHpect to Mr . O'Connor . Before even this could be done , Mr . Jieynoldn had volunteered , and Mr . Morning hud been solicited , to uhc his personal inlluence to prevent Mr . O'Connor from forcing himself" into Jvossuth ' . s private room or into Ihh pal . li . Nothing iH plainer than this , that if Mr . O'Connor still retained the pride of a gentlernan ,. the slightest hint that thin wus not desired would have kept him l > ack ; thero would litivQ been , no uoed of HUXYoUUmce .

      At the Highbury-barn banquet I also acquiesced in Mr . O'Connor not speaking , and I appeal to any one who observed his conduct on that occasion , both to Louis Blanc and Mr . Coningham , and to the entire audience , whether he was not Mr . O'Connor ' s truest friend who endeavoured to restrain him from committing farther humiliations on himself ? He made himself the buffoon of the company—he sank himself down to the level of Elmzlie Duncan ; and when

      a leader of the people so far forgets himself as to play the buffoon , he lowers the entire party whom he represents : Who are the true friends of the people , those who would keep this painful chapter unwritten , or those who force it to be written in honest explanation ? It is strange that gentlemen who cry " measures and not men " should get up an excitement in favour of men and not manners !

      Let those who lead and foment this unwarrantable mania for censuring those who serve—not the prejudices but what is far more useful—serve the honour and character of Chartism , declare two things , and then they may be understood : — 1 . Whether as gentlemen ( or " working men , " for working men I hope are not without delicacy and honour ) , they would have forced on Kossuth the presence of a man he desired not to be mixed up with ? 2 . Whether they would , observing Mr . O'Connor ' s conduct at Highbury-barn , make for him facilities of lowering his own character more , and of lowering the character of his own party ? If they would , they can neither call themselves the friends of Mr . O ' Connor nor the friends of Chartism .

      Certainly I would not notice this matter if I did not see that the Chartists are committing themselves ( under instigation of those who ought to know better ) all over the country , in the eyes of every one capable of understanding public propriety , public duty , or of taking any interest in Chartist character . But I believe they have too much good sense to persist in this course , if the rights of the thing were explained to them . Therefore I will ask insertion for

      this letter in the Northern Star and Mr . Reynolds s Newspaper , and in Mr . Ernest Jones ' s Notes for the People , that some portion of the other side of the case may be before the Chartist readers . I have always found that the Chartists are as ready as any other body of politicians , to act fairly when they understand the merits of the whole case they are called upon to criticise ( which unfortunately they seldom take care to understand before they judge ) .

      As to personal respect to Mr . O'Connor , I have always entertained this , and as Mr . O'Connor lately said in Manchester , I had always showed it to him ; and I have on more than one occasion publicly protested against the real disrespect put upon him by persons now forward in this incoherent O'Connor excitement . Even now I do not consider that Mr . O'Connor ought to be treated other than with kindness ; as Mr . Hunt delicately said , his conduct is evidently not under his own control , " and he

      deserves our sympathy ; and none capable of feeling real kindness towards him would force him into public life until repose has recruited his broken health and exhausted powers . Mr . Hunt has always paid Mr . O'Connor the respect and consideration due from one gentleman to another , and he has done that in my presence when others , makers of loud protestations now , have not done it . I only mention this for the sake of undeceiving those who are being egregiously misled on this matter .

      Mr . Hunt is not aware that I have written this letter , and he will object to its appearance when he is aware of it ; as he will think some may regard it as a plea offered on his behalf , with a view to promote his election . Mr . Hunt ia too independent to offer one word in his own just defence at this time , leat it ( should be construed in the sense above stated ; and I respect that sentiment too much to impair such brave indifference . Nor do I mean by this to offer one word on my own behalf either . But , differently placed from Mr . Hunt , my duty to Chartists , at whose hands I accepted the responsibility of one of their representatives * directs me to explain to them the truth of a case on which others are silent , however the offering of uuch explanation may be regarded .

      For myself , I would not accept a . single vote at the expense of silence as to my real sentiments , or by any inexplicitne . ss leave the Chartists to suppose me different from what lam . 1 know this , and everybody outside us knows it ul . so , and Chartists ought to know it likewise —that Chartism has been reduced by its unwise friends to a wimple power for mischief . It can do harm , but it has no power yet to do good . It can bring discredit on Reformers—it can arrest

      reform—it can afford a pretext lor the enemy to oppreHH ua more—and that ia all it can do . It has taken the present Executive a year to endeavour to alter thin character , and create a power for good in the name of Chartism , and awaken Home respect for it . Chartists are now advised to undo this ; and they seem disposed to take the advice . Of course , they can plciitto themselves ; but they ought not to talk any more of the ; apathy of a movement , if they condemn it to apathy or hindrance . What Chartism wants is , somo friends who w ill miikc itiiur , diapuHHioimto , practical . undwulYcnt ; who

      ¦ will keep its expenditure within its available means , who will neutralize its mischievous tendencies—and who will carry on its political agitation in harmony with the equally honest agitations of our fellow patriots around—who do not go so far as we do . Chartism wants representatives who will be able ^ to understand their own case , without misunderstanding every body else ' s , and who are able to be independent in their own position , without being intolerant and abusive to every body else . This is what I have endeavoured to do , this is what I shall still endeavour to do ; and if the Chartists want this kind of service , they may command mine ; but if they do not , I have no business and no wish to be among them . And this is all I shall say about the election . George Jacob Holyoake , Member of the Executive .

      Federative Union. At A Meeting Of The Ko...

      FEDERATIVE UNION . At a meeting of the Kossuth Committee on Wednesday , the following report was presented on the reorganization of the committee on the basis of a Federative Union : — " In our present state of social transition , the want of an active , rational , and efficient political organization of the people ha 3 been much felt . All the old shemes , as the old clothes of society , are now worn threadbare and in tatters , while the new ones are too contracted and galling to the giant growth and developmentof the present generation . From every specific project in the past , the people have been diverted by official promises ; or by intrigues they have been divided and set against each other . In like manner , nation has been set against nation by official cliques bent on upholding that system of secret diplomacy , national debt , and mercenary

      standing armies , which enable Goverments to turn each nation against itself and against all others . The substantial interest of every People is the same ; every nation desires freedom as the true guarantee of peace ; peace as the opportunity for industry ; industry as the only mode to support existence and rentier it happy . The despotic Governments , and others not so called , are allied for their own purposes ; the Peoples , kept apart , are made the unwilling instruments for a warfare of arms or commerce , which may be called a reciprocal suicide . Peoples can never desire secret alliance , for their objects are substantial justice , the substantial welfare of the human race . Enable the Peoples to understand each other , and they would unite in the maintenance of common rights ; enable the severed classes of the country to unite once more as a nation , and they will be too strong for intrigues or sectional interests .

      " Acting upon these views , and in compliance with the expressed wishes of a number of the delegates of the working classes , your sub-committee present to your consideration the following draft of a plan : —

      • " The Peoples' Federative Union . " The principles of the Peoples' Federative Union are these : — " 1 . The real unity of the moral , physical , and social interests of all the nations of the earth . Their close commercial alliance by the development of the principles of free exchange in ' open commerce . ' " 2 . The absolute , social , political , and legal equality of every citizen without distinction— ' Universal Suffrage . ' " 3 . The gradual but speedy abolition of every monopoly . " 4 . A property tax equal to the national expenditure , and the abolition of all other taxes . " 5 . The right of every citizen to useful and industrial education .

      " 6 . The right of every citizen to beneficial employment . '' 7 . Full and unrestricted liberty in matters pertaining to religidh—the ' Voluntary System . ' " < S . Open ( as opposed to secret ) diplomatic intercourse with other nations . " The primary efforts of the Federation shall be directed to the establishment of such means of alliance , direct and immediate , between the Peoples of all nations as shall tend to neutralize the efforts of the agents of despotism ; " To diBpel the illusions which are the source of national and factional discord ; " To secure for the people of Britain a correct knowledge of the political and social position of the Peoples of America aud Europe :

      " And to seize upon all existing opportunities , and take advantage of opportunities which may arise , for advancing in practice the principle already accepted — namely , that in the brotherhood of the Peoples rests the hope of civilization , the assurance of our progretm in the peaceful arts , and the free development of man ' s nobler faculties . " To further the arrangements already commenced and indicated in this report , by obtaining the practical assistance of othera be » l tmitcd to give it , your uubcummittce would augment that you should give it leuve to add to its number . Thornton Hunt . " The above report was agreed to unanimously , and the t'cneral committee adjourned till Wednesday next .

      Kftdkjvittion Socihty.—'We Havo Got Our ...

      KftDKjvittion Socihty . — 'We havo got our cooperative Hture open ; and although doing in a very small way at present , we hope by munition to the wants of ournubsoribers to increase rup idly . All th « business of the Societv ia now transacted at No . /) , Trinity-street , 1 ., ( mm 1 h . Moneys received for the week : —Leeds , IDs . lid . ; Ncwcnntle on-Tync , per Mr . Johnson , £ 1 . 7 s . i ) d . ; lluiidersfk'ld , per Mr . France , 16 m . 4 d . ; K . Hartshorn , IWtilom , 2 s . , ' {( 1 . IJuildiiiK Fund : — . Leeds , ( id . ; lluddemlicld , Us . Propagandist Fund , 2 s . IJd , — - J . AlUfljUliltHON , Bccrotary . 6 Xxinity-0 tro « t » hecdu .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 6, 1851, page 19, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_06121851/page/19/