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Leader (1850-1860), 10th September 1853, Edition Country of 2, Page 11, TURKEY DESERTED BY HER ALLIES. With the ...

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    • q/Dl ^jg^p JSh^Pit-uPir. i .
    • Ifahlir Mans.
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      Tho Lute Mail For India And Australia Se...

      inoo dollars per day out for several days . Provisions were Vrdear pork selling for 45 c . per pound . Gold had also ih n discovered in large quantities at Santa Cruz , near the efn Lorenza Creek . The San Francisco market was aniated and , in the face of very heavy importation of every ! T criiJtion ' of merchandise , there had been a reaction in ahnosfc every branch of trade . The great annual fair for manufactures at Eurrachee fIndia ) promises to succeed . The first fair , lately held , was" said to be a failure , biit a correspondent of the Manchester Commercial Association reports differently . The writer saya it was not by any means the failure the Bombar papers represented . " In fact , traders from every rnuntrv connected with Scinde attended , from Affghanistan

      and the Punjab in considerable numbers , and there were represe ntatives of more distant parts—Arabia and the P ersian Gulf , Herat , Cabul , Cashmere , and Delhi—men who came w small ventures to look about them and see what was doing . All seemed well pleased , and spoke as though they would come again , and bring Others with them . Two causes had , they said , detained many who would otherwise have attended . One was the omission from the copies of the notice which reached Herat , & c , of the Mahomedan date , which some of the traders said had deterred many . The other was an indefinite fear of some trick which induced many of the less enterprising to wait till they saw how their more venturous fellows fared . The only mercantile community which did nothing to promote the success of the scheme "was that of Bombay . " And the

      writer says , the Affghan traders who came with camel loads of wool , madder , & c , complained , — "We came here hoping to find men willing to give us metals and piece goods for our wool , & c , but , after all , we must go to Bombay . " He says , the imports and exports of the country 6 ince we acquired possession shows a steady and regular increase from 12 £ lacs of rupees , in 1843-4 , to 80 lacs in 1852-3 , and the great desideratum further to encourage trade in this quarter is direct trade with Eng land , independent of Bombay . The writer says , the fair , however , in Upper Scinde , was a purely local affair , and suggests that it should haye been held at Shikarpore , and not at Sukkur , with which change he hopes for better success next year . A mass of correspondence is added , showing the ease with which the Government vessels with troops made the port and harbour of Kurrachee .

      The Australian capital is to have a Protestant University . It is in immediate contemplation to establish a Church of England college in the vicinity of Sydney , in permanent alliance with the university which has been founded and endowed by the local legislature . The college is to be called Queen ' s College , and ife is intended to combine the advantages of the tutorial and professorial systorns , in strict accordance with the doctrines of the Church of England . The Metropolitan bishop is to be ex-ojjlcio visitor , and the government of the college is to be vested in a council , to consist of the warden and six senior fellows , with a committee to draw up rules of management from time to time .

      Friendly relations between France and America seem to be drawn closer every day . There has been just concluded a special convention to determine in a precise and reciprocal manner , tho rights , privileges , and duties of consuls of the two countries . This convention has been concluded , and the ratifications were exchanged at Washington on tho 11 th of August . Hereafter American consuls in France and French consuls in the United States , will have much larger powers than formerly . They will exercise a direct and independent jurisdiction over tho shipping of their countries , will bo enabled to givo validity to various legal acta , and will have tbe rig-lit to arrest deserters , and to invoko the assistanco of tho local authorities for that purpose . Tho federal government has undertaken to obtain for French citizens tho right to hold and inherit real property in thoso states of tho Union where this privilege has not hitherto been accorded to them .

      In a lato Fugitivo Slave case in America Judge M'Lean , or tho Suprom . o Court of tho Unitod States , laid down tho law upon slavery : — " As soon after tho adoption of tho Constitution as 1798 wo find an act of Congress providing for tho rendition of ' persons owing service or labour in ono State escaping into another . ' Tho Legislatures of tho sovoral States are prohibited from passing a law obstructing tho master in pursuit of his escaped servant , wllo must bo givon up on proof by tho claimant that service or labour is duo . Tho provision in tho Constitution is prohibitory , and it is positive as to tho ' giving up ' <« persons escaped from scryico or labour . Tho States could not bo compelled to givo up thoso fugitives by a law of Congress , but tho provision ia found in tho Constitution— -tho organic law of tho land , and it ia more than a recommendation . I am awaro that tho word ' slavo' is

      ? I n tIlG CoUHtitlil ''> n , but tho subject was dobatod in u » o Convention , and it caused a deop excitement in tho public mind . Tlio Constitutional provision in this rogard was tho rcBult of a compromise ) . For saying thin I have l » o authority of Chiof-Justico Marshall . This right of rendition , then , is ono in which tho citi / . onfl of ono Stato r ri ° aml milHfc ™ C () iv » ° f another State Tho Fedoj'll Uovernmonfc has tho powor to carry out and porpo-. » ato l , hiH right Occupying tho sacred oflico of v i ° i i lV ° no ri £ u

      n < Winal decision m to tho liberty of tho dofoiulunt . Tho « iu «« tion horo is , strictly , whothor ho omio uorvicn or labour ° . ° claimant ; but thin decision will bo no bar to tho jl »« Htion m to tho liberty of tho man . Ho may bo wold ; j" « condition may bo wi-dtciiod , but tho fault in not with 111 ( 1 judiciary . Tlio laws of 171 ) 1 ) and 1850 , hh regnrdu this oiiho , , lro ( . ]( > . ] y -within tho provisions of tho conatitution . ^ » i « , therefore , bound to remand tho fugitive to h ' m "Wuior , "

      September 10, 1853.] The Leader, 875

      September 10 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER , 875

      To Readers And Correspondents. It Is Imp...

      TO READERS AND CORRESPONDENTS . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of . matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits of the communication . No notice can be taken of anonymous communications . Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by tho name and address of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . We cannot undertake to return rejected communications , 4 JI letters for the" Editor should be addressed to 7 , Wellington-¦ street , Strand , London . ' Communications should always be legibly written , and on one side of the paper only . If long , it increases the difficulty of finding- space for them .

      Q/Dl ^Jg^P Jsh^Pit-Upir. I .

      q / Dl ^ jg ^ p JSh ^ Pit-uPir . i .

      V Saturday, September 10, 1853.

      v SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 10 , 1853 .

      Ifahlir Mans.

      Ifahlir Mans .

      There Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Becau...

      There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep thing ' s fixed when all the-world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Db . Abnoko .

      Turkey Deserted By Her Allies. With The ...

      TURKEY DESERTED BY HER ALLIES . With the best disposition to regard the policy of our Ministers as . the substitution of national for party objects , we cannot reconcile it with public virtue . While Prince Menzchikoff was in Turkev , calling on the Sultan to recognise the Russian Emperor as the protector of the Christian subjects of Turkey , and intriguing as well as negotiating to obtain a special recognition of the " Orthodox Greek" . Christians ; and while lord Stratford de Hedcliffe , supported by his

      colleagues at home , was sustaining Turkey in refusing acquiescence to Prince MenzchikofF ' s demands , the policy of this country was sufficiently intelligible . There have been long-continued negotiations ; Austria and PrussiaJhave laid their heads together with the representatives of France and England , and an accession of heads ought to have introduced an accession of wisdom into the council . But not knowing what happened in that conclave , the result only renders the position of

      our Ministry the more unintelligible . Precisely that thing which Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe and M . de la Cour did support , the Sultan in refusing —recognition of the Russian protectorate , or of any special claims of the Porte of the orthodox Greek ( that is Russian ) Christians in Turkeyinstead of being refused by the Vienna note is positively conceded by that note , and the Sultan is asked to sign , by the Four Powers , that which France and Great Britain had advised him to

      refuse . It cannot be that English Ministers felt the support of tho country giving way under thorn . Nothing could be more distinct than their position at home in tho former attitude of the affair . There was indeed at first something resembling a reluctance at the idea of engaging in war , and we heard much of the folly of entering into hostilities with tliis or that power for tho maintenance of a decrepid empire like that of Turkey ; but objections of this sort were only sufficient to test their

      own inability to obtain a hold of the English mind . Tho English public refused to admit as a proved fact tho total disorganization of tho Turkish empire The English public supported tho opinion that the illegal encroachment of Russia must bo resisted . Tho English public felt that the law of Europe was at stake , and when English Ministers undertook tho rosponsiblo office of recommending Turkey to make a stand on behalf of the public law of Europe , —instead of animadversion—instead of mistrust at tho idea of going to war—thoro was a universal declaration of

      confidence in Ministers who had taken a courso ho decisive , who had plodgod tho country to tho support of justice , and who had at last shown their reliance on tho old spirit of tho English people . If tlio Peace party camo forward with its technical objections , in tho porson of Mr . Cobden , or any oihor stray mombor , it was only to declare tho conviction that tho principles entertained by that member and that party wore so unpopular that any attempt to put thorn to tho tost of a voto in Parliament , or almost of a public mooting , would havo been an extravagant hazard to tho interests of tho party , aud tiio ultimate interests

      of the doctrine . Public support , therefore , was universally in favour of Ministers . The dogmatic objections of the Peace party did not venture to assert themselves . On the Continent of Europe-English influence was rising as it asserted itself in the cause of justice , and in the cause of its own dignity . On , English grounds , therefore , as well as on continental grounds , there was nothing to obstruct a triumphant course for Ministers .

      They encountered no difficulties on the Continent . Austria , a Power which had at first refused to join the Conference , at last became so impressed with the hazard that would be brought on the whole continental system by admitting the pretensions of Russia to dictate to the other States , that she joined the Conference . Be it observed , that the nucleus of the Conference consisted of France and England , who had already laid down the basis of a policy sanctioned by justice and supported by the peoples of the two States , which , when united , can dictate to Europe . If any English Minister had thoroughly appreciated the opportunity which he had for making the power of his country felt , recognised " , and acknowledged , by every State in Europe , he

      would have known that at this point the English view might have been made to become the view of every power acceding to the alliance . Austria had no help for herself ; she must be Russian , or Turkish , or European . If Russian , she must risk whatever her opponents pleased to do in the way of rousing against her Government her own people . If Turkish , she committed herself to a war with Russia . If European , she was safe ; but then , if the English Minister had pleased , England , with France , might have dictated the policy of Europe , and Austria might have been English . Prussia had placed herself out of court , and there was nothing in the path of England , if it was not something called up by an English Minister . What , then , was it P >

      When any man has entered upon a course which is just and laudable ; when he has received public approval ; when the course is open before him , and at every step he acquires new powers for his career ; when under such circumstances he stops , it is impossible to suppose that he could have intended from the first to accomplish that career , or that the obstacle which arrests him is other than the motion of some insincerity in his own mind . The stopping of the English

      Ministers in an uninterrupted course , where triumph was before them , must be received at the present moment almost as a confession that from the first , when they were winning the popular applause , they were insincere ; in short , that they arc traitors to that triumph for which we were applauding them by anticipation . Throughout the whole of these complicated negotiations , these disputes with other powerful States possessing- immense arms and resources , there is one State that has remained atedfast to

      its principles and its word . That State is not Russia , which has tho largest armies in Europe , and which invaded the territory of an ally under a false pretext , and promised to withdraw under a false assurance . Nor is it England , which piques itself upon its frankness , and has tho power , not only by its arms , not only by its navy , but by its influence , to shako every Stato in Europe . Tho State remaining firm to itself ia Turkey , whoao position is precarious , whose armies aro uncertain , whose very existence is a question . Turkey declared from the first that she would yield everything to

      justice , but would retain her national independence , and her sovereignty . She has strictly abided by her word . All that wan duo to good faith with allies , to tolerance of alien religions , to equal justice for her subjects , to express stipulations oven in favour of small sectarian pretensions in her remote provinces , she lias fulfillod ; but her national independence- sho still sustains against threat of attacks by her inveterate foe , of desertion by her still more povvorlul ot

      allies , of ' defection amongst bor own subjects , destruction to her whole empire . There havo boon times in the history of . England when lior governors and people have . staked the national honour in troubles as perplexing , have advanced tho national flag amidst clangers moro thickening ; but it ban boon reserved for our time to find Ministers who havo courage to abandon a helpless ally , to forfeit tho national faith , and to leavo another nation as the sole champion of indopondonco and honour in tlio circle of tho nations . Would that this melancholy aspect wore

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 10, 1853, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_10091853/page/11/