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Leader (1850-1860), 11th July 1857, Edition 2 of 2, Page 14

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      The Italian Insurrections. As Yet We Can...

      ia almost cr iminal to shed young and valuable blood in Italy , unless the chance 3 of victory be almost overwhelming . •' ..... As will be seen , we do not affect—it is impossible we should affect after what we have written—to have any sympathy with the governments against which the abortive . insurrection was chiefly directed . We leave to others the miserable task of deploring the calamities of Italy , heaping contumely on its tmnces . nlayine on the generous feelings of

      an excitable people , assuring them of our sympathy , urging them in fact by pity , by scorn , by admiration , by condolence , by every art that rouses passion and stimulates resistance , to take their place among free nations ; and , then , when a mistake is made , a false move , a premature manoeuvre , of siding with the abominable machines called governments , because they have not been overthrown , and calling on the executioner to do his work . " We have scarcely yet heard a word of compassion expressed for the noble youths—who at fanatics

      worst can only be called misguided -who have fallen in various proportions into the hands of the victors in the three or four principalities which have been disturbed . It seems to be taken as a matter of course that they must all be executed and that they have deserved their fate . Yet this -will surely not be an English termination of civil strife ; and it would not be unbecoming for the press of this country , where we have so often had to fight for liberty , to assure the unfortunate persons we allude to at any rate of our sympathizingpity . _ __ _ ....

      , , There is one very delicate episode in this unhappy outbreak . " We mean the occurrences at Q-enoa . N " o one can regret more than we do that it should have been thought necessary to trouble that city , or any part of the Piedmontese dominions ^— -where comparative liberty exists . This was a fatal mistake in policy , if the conspirators , at any rate , cared for the good opinion of England , where the Sardinian constitution , so carefully copied from ours , happens to be admired . Perhaps the ludicrous failure of our demonstration

      against JNaples and our fast alliance with France have destroyed all respect for us in the minds of Italian patriots . At any rate , what has happened must create a prejudice against them in many minds disposed to be favourable or lenient towards them . "We know that Genoa chafes , or is supposed to chafe , under the Savoyard yoke ; but evidently the revolutionary feeling ia weak there , and this the conspirators ought to have known .

      " We hear with feelings of extreme sorrow that the Piedmontese troops—imitating , but with even less excuse , the ferocity of French Pretorian guards—actually shot their prisoners in cold blood . An officer ia mentioned who ' secured a man , and handed him over at once to be killed P' Is this horrid practice , then , to be introduced , definitively into Europe ? Is not the scaffold sufficient r Must we have preliminary fusilades also ? "We trust that as an atonement for this

      barbarity we shall hear of no executions , in Piedmont at least , Even the man who shot the sergeant must be let off with iraprisonr ment . Another man who once shot a sergeant , ' under exactly similar circumstances , now occupies the highest and most brilliant throne in Europe .

      ^^ The Leader. [No. 381, Jui.Y 11,185t. ...

      ^^ THE LEADER . [ No . 381 , Jui . y 11 , 185 T . u 62 ¦ . ¦¦ ' —————— =

      Pall-Mall Reformers. "We Said That Mr. R...

      PALL-MALL REFORMERS . "We said that Mr . Robbttok ' s meeting at the King ' s Arms would come to nothing . To nothing ha , s it come . Every one saw the futility of the attempt . There has , therefore , been , a second move . A meeting was called by circular at the Reform Olub on Monday laafc , which was thinly attended , and projects

      of political organisation were discussed . It was agreed that operations should be planned at once , and two really trustworthy Liberals ¦ were solicited to act as ' whips . ' What followed was a positive demonstration that Mr . Roebuck is not considered a leader . A committee of five members was appointed to conduct the movement ; but we fear we must say of this , as we said of Mr . Roebuck ' s , it will come to nothing . .... that if

      Do not these gentlemen understand a Xiiberal member of Parliament gives a direction to public opinion , he will necessarily take the lead of his colleagues ? They must follow him or be left among the stragglers , and it is because there is no man among them who has hitherto proved Ms ability to lead that they are like a fleet in a fog , where there is nothing but shouts , collisions , and confusion . They meet at the King ' s Arms , and fail ; they meet at the Reform Club , and fail ; they talk about a new club , and fail ; in Parliamentand

      they move resolutions , fail . They accomplish nothing , and plan nothing , because they have no policy ; and they have no policy , because whatever genius and courage lie among them are as yet undeveloped . But they do not occupy a common level . There are men among them who , before next session , will stand conspicuously before the nation , and if there be others as bold and as ambitious , let them put their own qualities to the test , and not throw a sop to mediocrity by discountenancing leadership , and nominating Committees of

      Five . These gentlemen degrade politics to a mere personal interest . Otherwise , when they desire to initiate a public movement , why not invite the co-operation of every member of Parliament who is known to share their views ? "Why be jealous ? " Why be secret ? Why imitate the Ballot Society , which , we regret to say , is composed of , another set of Reformers chargeable with hole-and-corner predilections . All is shrouded from the light of day . The agitation for the new Reform Bill is rehearsed dingily in New Palace-yard ,

      and then in a private room of the Reform Cl ub , where some great boroughs are represented , while the representatives of others are cautiously kept in the dark . Of certain Liberal members of Parliament it may be « aid that they look upon popularity as a private estate , and are only anxious to secure the largest shares . But this will not do . The public will discover the sham . The gentlemen themselves will have to acknowledge their own error , and unless a more wise and manly course is adopted , the " Whigs will have their own way next session even more completely than this .

      The National Q-allery debate brought out some remarkable exemplifications of liberality . An issue was raised between a gross job and the principles of honesty and economy . Lord Eloho , Mr . Coning-icam ; , Mr . Cox , and others , showed admirably . But it was with deep regret that we found General Thompson , Sir Abthuk Elton , Mr . Butleb , of the Tower Hamlets ; Mr , Haokblock , of Reigate 5 Mr . Ing-bam , of Boston , Mr . ' Eothen' Kino-slake , Mr . MAaxiiRE , Mr . Hardoasxljs , and Me . Neatjb , identifying themselves with a case of jobbery so scandalous . The other ' Reformers' who voted for the abuse of the

      JNabional Q-allery Fund were Athhbton' , Black , Blaici , Buohahait , Oaied , Oaoss-I » HY , HaNBUKY , HaTWIS , HaSTIU , HEADLAMP Hindley , and Wh stub ad . What will the constituents of these gentlemen say ? And what is the use of concerting a reform agitation in Pall-mall , and then * going down to the House' to make up a majority in favour of extravagance and plunder ?

      OH ! NO , DON'T I Mr . Roebuck was quite mistaken , just now , in proposing to abolish the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland . It will certainly last out the present reign . We have a Government prepared to adopt all . ' reforms' for which there is a public demand . They have opened a shop for popular ' improvements , ' but comparatively little interest is taken in the Lord Lieutenancy , especially in our day . It is thought to be a fancy of the Dublin people ; and at a time when country-town attorneys , and Members depending upon the votes of country lawyers , are rather willing to grant a railway here and a bridge there , a park in that plaee , and a harbour in that other , few will be found willing to take from Dublin its favourite toy . . It is true that a park was refused to Pinsbury ; but there were reasons for that . Parks have been given to other metropolitan constituencies ; an example was wanted of stern economy ; and Finsbury was made the scapegoat , "Wiscount Williams , of Lambeth , being the Lbokidas of that passage . For Wiscount Williams does not represent Finsbury . There was inconsistency in refusing > park to Finsbury , after granting it to so many other metropolitan constituencies ; but that only gave a zest to the refusal . There is a peculiar difficulty in abolishing the Lieutenancy just at present . The office is of no advantage . It costs 100 , OOOZ . a year , more or less , without any return for the money . But the House of Commons thinks as little of 100 , 0002 . as it does of a shilling , except when the hero of economics , like Wiscouut Williams or Mr . Henle * , makes out some grandiose case . Besides , the present Lord in Dublin is * i model Lieutenant ; he is ' the right man in the right place . ' The Brummagem King is supported by the ' shamocracy' of the city : —Wanted , therefore , a gentleman who can treat the spurious court with as much gracious distinction as if it were a real court ; who can deliver speeches with all the relish and curl of viceregal dignity ; and where will they find such a man as the noble essayist ? Mr . Roebuck , and Mr . Maguibe , who ought to understand the subject better , insist that the Lord Lieutenancy is supported by ' the millinery interest' of Dublin ; and it is a great thing to have a man like Lord Cablisle to lend his countenance as a support for the bonnet of the season . Besides , the Lord Lieutenant should be a man that can impart a grace to any kind of official manoeuvre in the way of electioneering ; that can make a Whig cause look like a popular , almost a democratic cause ; and , where can they find a man who can be more faithful to his party , and more pleasant to the people , than that truly accomplished author ? Wanted , also , a man who can have all the appearance of a statesman , —can turn off official phrases with a rounded voice and something more than official grace , and will yet have no instinct to set up for himself ; but will defer to his superiors , his official makers . And really there is not a man in the whole kingdom who could so furnish the personation of independent dignity with a really deferential submission ; no man who could so impress all that approach him with the idea that he is almost king , and yob on every occasion consult the Home Ofiioe , — being literally moved as n robed puppet by the wires of the telegraph . In fact , Lord 0 abhsi . e is just the man to be the Viceregal King in the hands of Ministers ; and how could we forego tU © opportunity of liaviug something ao like a royal reality ia Dublin at « only 100 , 000 / . ?' It is quite settled that the Lord Lieutenancy is to be pulled down ; but rthat Bill will

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), July 11, 1857, page 14, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_11071857/page/14/