On this page
- Departments (1)
-
Text (4)
-
Dec. 13, 1851.] ®t>e Heatrr r* 1191
-
(Drgaramttois nf tjr* tyinylt, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL. tfhi .
-
TO THE CHARTISTS OF ENGLAND. Friends,—Ha...
-
riMLICO WORKING BUILDKKS. The Pimlieo Wo...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Rise And Fall Of The Orchestral Society....
not to accept any other professional engagement for any of the evenings named . ' " This proposition , entirely in the spirit of the laws of th e Society , having been submitted to the Members at a sp ecial meeting , and accepted by only eighteen out of sixty-f > vei the Council feel they are absolved from the responsibility of carrying on the Concerts further ; and they prefer rather that the time , labour , and money , ¦ which they have devoted to the organization of the Society , shall be wasted , than that they should continue answerable for engagements which it has been proved they have no means of fulfilling . —By order of the Council , " Alfred Nicholson , Hon . Sec . "
It is in this way that attempts to raise the musical profession are frustrated . He considered actions such as this have gained for the whole bodythat which is deserved only by the few : the reputation not alone of squabbling and jealous disagreement , but of being men whose word is not to be depended upon , whose actions are not trusted . -It is the black sheep of the musical profession which make the profession regarded simply as a set of " twangling jacks" and ignorant mechanical scrapers . No profession can become respectable when its members are men not be trusted , and
are known to have as little respect for themselves as for the art they profess . We do not wish to apply these words to the men whose secession has caused the dissolution of the Orchestral Society . They may have reasons for the course they have adopted ; but , in the absence of such reasons , the statement of the council would show the affair to have been a mere repetition of that which all who have had connection with musical societies have had frequent cause to lament . Such actions destroy the chances of raising the position of music , and cast a shadow upon the whole fraternity .
Dec. 13, 1851.] ®T>E Heatrr R* 1191
Dec . 13 , 1851 . ] ® t > e Heatrr r * 1191
(Drgaramttois Nf Tjr* Tyinylt, Political And Social. Tfhi .
( fi > rgntri | atinti 0 nf tjp tyinylt , POLITICAL AND SOCIAL . tfhi .
To The Chartists Of England. Friends,—Ha...
TO THE CHARTISTS OF ENGLAND . Friends , —Having been informed portions of your body in various localities have nominated me again as a fit and proper person to act as one of > our Executive for the ensuing year , and feeling confident that year -will be one of unusual excitement , I have thought it prudent to lay before you briefly an outline of my views upon j'our past and future policy , in order that you may run no chance of electing a man whose views may possibly be antagonistic to your own ; and to avoid the possibility ( should I be one of the chosen ) of having it said that I sought your suffrages while sailing under false colours . To be plain with you , therefore , I declare to you I have three positive objections to urge against the policy laid down by those who arc , or who assume to be ,
your leaders : — 1 . I disagree entirely with the proposition that your Executive should be reduced in number , or that that body should be paid . 2 . I look upon the notion of working men only being elected , not only as u childish idea , but believe in practice it would be a . delusion and a snare . 3 . I scout the idea of repudiating all men but those who belong solely to your movement , believing it to be undemocratic , absurd , and impolitic . My reasons for my first dissentient arc briefly as follows : —A Convention was called together on whom
devolved the duty of legislating for the movement , and which decided it should be regulated in its present mode ; and until another Convention be called , and until that Convention decades to alter your constitution , it is the duty of all who tall themselves Democrats to abide by the law * which their own representatives made ; but further , 1 hold it to be a wise policy to have- as large a number on your Executive ; as practicable , because , first , it insures a . good average attendance ; and , secondly , for the reason that all propositions having to be examined and
sifted by a number of men who , naturally viewing each given circumstance from a different point of sight , will afford a security to your movement that no liaHty or undigested measures Khali ever again retard or jeopardize the onward march of Democracy . And an to the prudence or practicability of paying your Executive , really it in not only unnecessary , but in truth it in impracticable ; and wen ; it not , the money could be do voted to better purposes . It must be clear to thorn ; who do not , worn . subtraction , addition , and
multiplication , that to pay three , live , or nine men would eoiiHume weekly Hi , £ 10 , <» ' - ^ . living unprovided for secretary , rent , printing , and lecturers 1 say we do not want an Executive to live upon your < 'nergiesandsacrilicen , in the form and shape ; thin plan would involve . 1 say if either of the above huiuh can be raised , let tho money be expended in tracts and lectures , under the direction of a temperate , capable , and practical Executive ; and you will do minutely more to elevate and dignify the movement than n mint of money expended merely lor the ^ personal services and attendances of an Executive Committee of paid men .
I do not wish you to infer that I am opposed to the proper payment of those who labour for you , either on paper or on the platform—this is altogether a different question—but in this it is my deep conviction you will be better served , and your interests will be safer in the hands of volunteers who -will serve the movement without any other hope of fee or reward save the approbation and testimony of a good conscience , than you would be if you delegate your authority to the same number of men who could not live unless they were paid by the movement for their services ; not that men thus circumstanced would be
necessarily dishonest , but the possession , of office would be craved—and secured too—by the spouters and hangers on of the movement , who never have done anything but retard it , —whose antecedents are the shibboleths that keep hundreds of men from joining you—and who , even lately , have done their little all to drive from your councils that class of men who alone can save your movement from extinction . In touching upon my second objection , I should like , without giving offence , still to make myself distinctly understood . Why do the rational scout hereditary legislation ? Simply because we run the risk of having , as the case may be , a rogue , or an idiot ,
as often as a wise man , for a Legislator . This is precisely why , upon principle , I object to an absolute law being laid down , " that working men alone should form your Executive Committee . " There is no innate virtue or talent in a " working man" above another man , and the results of the legislative operations of such a committee I fear , if probabilities are to be considered , would be anything but satisfactory . Let me ask , what chance to obtain the requisite knowledge has a ma n who has to toil from sunrise
to sunset ? It is my firm belief that , if one thousand men , artizans , mechanics , and labourers—who love their children and study their homes—were canvassed , you would not find three men who would , or could , undertake what you require an Executive Committee to perform ; you would then be driven to the doubtful men -whose characters , domestic or public , would not stand the light of Diogenes ' s lantern , or to those who some of you want to repudiate , namely , that class of men who are in a position that justifies them , for the love of their fellowmen , to meet the required demands on their intellect , their time , and their pockets .
One of your eloquent friends ( who can use both tongue and pen , and who , if his ideas are carried out , must be " of , " or perhaps the only one with the required q ualifications for , his Executive Committee ) thus writes : — " Shall the movement proceed in the miserable way in Avhicli it has hitherto stagnated ? " Now , this is not exactly the thing ; it has the appearance of a dirty bird fouling its own nest ; for was not the writer one of that very Executive that he accuses as the instrument of this stagnation ? and ( speaking from , memory ) he was one , too , whose attendance has not been more regular than that of other members ; whose suggestions , practicable or
impracticable , have not been more frequent than those of other members ; and whose absences in the country , though professedly on Chartist business , have not had a tithe of the effect , and for the future will not realize a thousandth part of the value , to Democracy that will spring from the lecturing tours of another member of your Committee , whom he twits with being absent on other business . Your eloquent friend repudiates the services of men who have papers , and advises you not to elect a man who has counting-house business to attend to . If the hitter cap is meant to fit me , thus I reply to it : That
any men who line from the ranks of labour by industry— who , amid their rising prosperity , have never turned their backs upon the toilers—who have the respect of a large number of working men—and who , in those sneered at counting-houses , communicate daily with more men capable of doing good service to the cause tliiin certain other people ( judging from the past ) are ever likely to meet with in their lives—and who , by their practice and demeanour have given pledges for their sincerity—are worth shoals of your untried , theorizing , non-contributing , fault-ljnding , do-as-1-say-not-as-l-do declaimers .
I now will briefly touch upon the third objection I have to make against the absurdity—the madness of repudiating men who belong to other movements . I have heard of souk ; men who , having but one idea themselves , have a strange fancy to make all the world subserve to it ; and I have heard , too , of a certain Fox who , having lost bin tail , endeavoured to persuade foxes with tails they would be butter without theirs ; but 1 never expected amongst a cIiihh of men who have studied , or whopretend to have studied , the aspects of political or social economy , to lind any
hardy enough to attempt its realization . 1 should like to know how many capable men you would have left in your movement- if members of the following associations wero inelligible to net as your oflicersthe Christian Socialist , the Anti-State Church , and ' Parliamentary Reform Associations , the Societ y for the Repeal of the Taxes on . Knowledge , ami tho Secular School Society ; to say nothing about the plan proponed actually shutting out men who went for Jive points out of tlwsix . How " beautifully less " would the sum total ol * efficient members soon l ) c , were such u-narrow und miueiublo policy f ' oiated upon tho ho o ( t
deluded body to -which you belong ! Tor my own part , I tell you candidly , if you elect me , I shall join or act with , any association I please ; and if you do not like it , pray do not elect me . Further , I tell you it is high time you threw off the mental yoke of those eccentric councillors who have always reduced the real friendfe of progress to the necessity of serving your movement ( if , indeed , it was to be served at all ) in despite of yourselves and your loud-talking advocates . Your eloquent friend says , " The men elected ought to be tried , indubitable—real bona fide
Chartists . " ,. . This is a sounding sort of sentence ; but either means nothing , or else means more than some men would like if they crave to retain the helm of your affairs . Who is a tried man ? not necessarily one who has been in prison . I think those who gave their mite to support men in prison have much more the appearance of tried men—I think more , and I hesitate not to tell you that it is my deliberate opinion , in nine cases out of every ten that fact should be a disqualification , because it evidences such men have discretion
neither the foresight , calmness , or necessary to be possessed by the leaders of such a movement . I should be sorry were this op inion taken in a personal sense by any of the political sufferers ; those of them who know me will feel that I would be the last man to say anything with the intention of wounding their feelings ; what I wish to convey is merely this , that a man who has been a victim is not necessarily the man to be a Leader , unless he possesses a number of other qualifications , which if you do see in him , of course his past sufferings in your cause will always give him . a superior claim to your respect and suffrages .
Your eloquent friend also says , " Elect men who can use both pen and tongue on platform or paper . " I fancy many aspiring Chartists will feel this an utter disqualification for them , however worthy ; while w orking men proper will hardly know how to conceive such a qualification to be at all harmonious with the suggestion of having none but their class on your Executive . I say also , have none but tried men ; but take care they are tried men ; not forgetting also the time must come when some freshmen , must be chosen , and that there is a time when all men are untried .
Weigh well , then , the qualities of the candidates before you make your choice ; but when you have made it , be honest enough to support them ; and if any whim or crotchet should induce you not to do so , be candid enough to blame yourselves , not the men whom you decline to afford the necessary means to carry on your own cause . If you do this in sincerity , your new Executive will lay down their offices at the end of 1852 , with Chartism advanced many stages towards its consummation ; if not , Chartism will still continue to be viewed as a sort of political Frankenstein , to be made use of by your enemies whenever they want to filch another tax , or place
some other yoke upon your necks . If you are wise , the Chartists will cease to be held up to scorn as a factious clique , opposed to everything and everybody ; and Chartism will be viewed as a practical proposition emanating from , and being carried on by , practicalmen . Allussociations moving in parallel paths must and will apply to , and receive assistance from , your organization in achieving their objects , which , if good , however short they may be of your own , you should never withhold assistance from . Your movement would thus be the rallying-point of all others , and each one achieved would be just so much progress made towards the consummation of your own . At present the argument of your leaders is , literally , that all men are villains ; thut each step gained by
any class or man makes that class or man enemies and tyrants over his fellow-man . In consequence your policy , instead of improvement or progression , is , in fact , retrogression . Wore you successful in carrying it out , its fulfilment would be anarchy , and every man ' s hand would be against his neighbour . Instead of ample work , more ; food , and more comfort , your policy , in effect , is , no work , less food , and starvation , on the false presumption that , if a man has ai full belly , he must be an aristocrat of lull bellies , and contribute his quota to keep his fellow-creatures in their present degraded position . These assumptions are false and scandalous libels upon our common humanity , and should be scouted by you as the ravings of madmen .
Your policy should be to make Chartism attractive and lovcable , that the unenfranchised may revere- it us a means of deliverance , and look forward to its realization with hope . That you will adopt Una policy i » my earnest hope ; and if , ufter this expression of iny KentiinentH , you think it well to elect me , I shall do as I always have endeavoured to do—servo the cause of Progress to the utmost of my power and ability . I remain , yours faithfully , Roiikht Lk Hlond .
Rimlico Working Buildkks. The Pimlieo Wo...
riMLICO WORKING BUILDKKS . The Pimlieo Working lJuilders gave a very agreeable eiitui tainment at the Clarendon Hotel , in Pimlieo on Tuetiday evening . Tho immediate object of tho dinner was to mark the hcuho which the Association entertained of the liberulity that hud Lecu . nhown to
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 13, 1851, page 19, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_13121851/page/19/
-