On this page
- Departments (2)
-
Text (7)
-
898 THE LEADER. [Saturday ,
-
^j£ES> " ft JT P V
-
li. . . . . - - ¦ ——^—-— SATURDAY, SEPTE...
-
^iiI it MntrnV
-
There 13 nothing so revolutionary, becau...
-
ENGLAND'S TRUE ANSWER TO RUSSIA. "I do n...
-
KSSNNTIAI..K OK A JMKVV KKFOKM HILL. M 1...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
898 The Leader. [Saturday ,
898 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
^J£Es≫ " Ft Jt P V
^ j £ ES > " ft JT P V
Li. . . . . - - ¦ ——^—-— Saturday, Septe...
li . . . . . - - ¦ ——^— - — SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 17 , 1853 .
^Iii It Mntrnv
^ iiI it MntrnV
There 13 Nothing So Revolutionary, Becau...
There 13 nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep thinq ' s fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —De , Ara'olt > .
England's True Answer To Russia. "I Do N...
ENGLAND'S TRUE ANSWER TO RUSSIA . "I do not take the pains to discuss the questions of the East with any man who does not perceive that the independence of the Ottoman empire is a question of life and death to Great Britain . " The words of Chatham still express truth , for our own clay . Permit Hussia to have her will of Turkey and many questions are settled in that quarter , in a way fatal to ourselves , even on our own shore . Shall freedom of commerce he
extended or extinguished in Turkey ? We have extended it , Russia will extinguish it . Shall the relations of states be determined by the opinion of the majority and the convention of the whole , or shall the strongest dictate and attack what territory it pleases ? The maintenance of Turkey is the maintenance of , order ; the extinction of Turkey would' be to admit the licence of Russia . We Lave acted now for nearly forty years on the supposition that each State would defer to the judgment of the majority ; Russia has taken advantage of our reliance on that supposition , to extend her footing in Europe , to increase her hold , by grasping , by aggression , by spreading
her armies , and stationing her spies at every corner , and preparing to out-general us by intrigue , where she cannot hope to beat us by main force . The time has come , she thinks , when her principles and arts can be put to a naked contest , and we have permitted her to accumulate all her resources , to her own satisfaction , while we have deliberately delayed our own preparations until the eleventh hour . It is lucky , however , that she has brought vis to a stand before a longer time has lapsed , for every year was increasing the excess of her resources , and decreasing our own , and so increasing the probabilities of a still more painful and hazardous position for our welfare , if not for our national independence .
Even in the course of these latter negotiations with Turkey we have ascertained , experimentally , what we gained by a policy of concession , what wo gained by a policy of compulsion . While the negotiations were conducted by Lord-Si ratford , do . ltcdcliile . at Constantinople , England and France prevailed ; Austria and Prussia were forced to join the conference , . Russia listened to terms . AY hen the negotiations were transferred to 'Vienna ,, where England a \; ih represented by a clicf ( Uurclwtilre , whose best success was to
present a ten-sorvice to the royal family , we temporized , and Russia returns to bullying . Then there a \ as a prospect of peace , now there is every ¦ prospect of contest ; and movements will he let loose there in the . Ka . st , wlik ; h cannot he brought under control by tho Powers , tstill Ichh by the ideas , of Western Europe . England has made as great sacrifices as any State to \ va , nh maintaining that conventional authority , which M 10 11 uanian Emperor breaks with a , stroke of his pen . England 1 ms supposed the ideas which . she
favours to have made progress , oven in ( he Eanl . ; the Turk linn boon a promising pupil ; but here , again , Kufuu ' u slep . s in , and , by destroying the pupil , battles the master . Content with the maintenance of that which Englishmen reverence , authority , content with the gradual adoption of her ideas , England certainly lia . s not been 0110 of tho Powers scrambling for a . share in . the partition of stales , or intriguing to win isubiectn from "their
sillegiance ; but the authority , to Huppor | , which she sacrificed political h ympathioHand natural allianeeH , is raxed ; and tho ideas which . she mipposed her . sclf to have inscribed on ( ho commercial ; - ; late of Europe , aro to b ( 3 wiped out by the threatened oni . su ro of Turkey . . Her co-operation in tho niniiitenaiico of order is not reciprocated , her (| uieseeiiL policy in a failure . The naked oxpoHuro of that truth in an advantage . . But tho altered inspect of the surface of Europe ,
if not its altered condition , demands an altered course . Henceforward the policy of waiting upon events will not serve . However convenient it may be , to inactive minds , which naturally shrink from the responsibility of original conceptions in policy ; however it may suit the indolent habits of long peace , it has become top manifestly . dangerous to be continued . We have made lee way , even while our antagonists were obliged to moderate their antagonism , in order to save appearances ; but now-that they have unmasked their approaches , to . continue the waiting , policy would be to surrender to those who have deposed the
super-sovereign authority , and whose political principles we dread , the dictation of the continent . Surely no English statesman , can so far indulge the indolence of routine , as to hesitate in grappling with the formidable question—What next P And surely no statesman , who has sincerely confronted that question , can fail to perceive that a new and more arduous course is assigned to England ? By setting himself to oppose Europe , to overrule its law , and dictate the distribution , of its powers and boundaries , Nicholas has superseded any question of " impartial" mediation , has , de facto , destroyed arbitration , and has thus forced all who care for the maintenance
of any authority and order in Europe to take sides . ¦ Russia has brought us harshly to confront our actual position . It is . plain that England has not succeeded , in advancing those principles or interests which she has at heart , by her quiescent policy . Although only now nakedly set in motion , the forces which are moving towards the ascendant in Europe , so alien to the rule which she woujd promote , have long been at work , in defiance of her opinion . It has long been a covert as now it has become an overt truth , that the
ascendant in the world is to _ the most vigorous , positive , and active power 5 and , if England would influence the world for the welfare of mankind , she must cease to be languid , negative , and passive , and must assert herself in action , as well as on paper . But , forced to an active and a counteractive policy , is England to be neglectful of the most obvious sources of success , or even safety , and to leave to her antagonist all the resources , which he has already begun to utilize , in tho way of beating np recruits ? In such a contest failure
would be the most gigantic of crimes , for it would be to anticipate and bankrupt the welfare of generations yet unborn . Nicholas is already sacrificing to tho virtue of success , and is exerting himself to win the first great recruit , Austria . England has natural allies , but it is no time to trust , like fond women , to technical obligations , like natural afl ' ection or formal bonds . Our very kinsmen among constitutional states , in the natural relation of political affinity , have learned to mistrust us , because we are lukewarm and quiescent . That must be mended . That State
has the most and the fastest friends , which is at once the moat generous , strong , and resolute . England has already defined , tho principles on which she will act , she has but to declare that she will stand by those principles , and defend them might and main , with head , hand , and heart , to ( . lie last drop of her blood , and many Slates in Europe will respond to such a dochirarntion . . England has proved her moderation , let her show her resolution ; and tho States in Europe that desire independence for themselves , and order for ( he whole , will recognise in her their
natural leader , will see in her roar tho tranquil ground of safety . Wavorevs , then , which cannot givo tho ouo to the dominant policy of Europe , but which may lend an important weight to cither Hide , such an Prussia , wilt become tho spontaneous and natural recruit . s of England . The ( stronger she appears , in resolution , in resources , in purpose , the ( stronger will her following be , the bettor assured tho restoration of her influence , and that Order in Europe , for the . sake ; of which hI » o has made so many mistaken ( sacrifices on tho altar of tho Prussian Siva ,. '
Kssnntiai..K Ok A Jmkvv Kkfokm Hill. M 1...
KSSNNTIAI .. K OK A JMKVV KKFOKM HILL . M 1 N 1 . stmum have no spare time on ( heir hands , for there in work enough already out out to furnish occupation even during a holiday extending from August ( o February , if indeed tho condition of nfliurn d <> en not neoessilale an earlier hnnoimbling of Parliament ; To put . other tmbjectfl aside , . Lord John Jvuhho . 11 in pledged to bring forward a mentjuro of Parliamentary Reform . TiinoH aro
strangely altered since it fell to the lot of + 1 eminent statesman to announce the Mi ' \ proposal on this subject in the year Itftl Vfi first Reform Bill was the work of aS Pi ? net , and . was introduced by a WlnV •»•;? + ¦ It ifl . amatterof ^^ on . hiatory- th 4 t C ^ t of . that measure have advanced far beyond t ! intentions of its authors . -Lord- Grey struL fed fiercely against his own convictions , and stS hard to impress Parliament with the belief th * the extension of the franchise would not curf ^ i the privileges of Ms order . None loved th aristocracy so deeply as he who struck the fW and fatal blow at its exclusive rights . Perlm
indeed , tne fairest testimony to the actual merif of the first Reform Bill may be discovere d in til small amount of interest excited by the verv im perfect measure lately introduced by Lord " John " Russell . The contrast was striking between the strong conflicts of 1832 and the contemptuous indifference of 1851 . In the earlier period there were burning ricks and trembling landlords a nation without a voice in Parliament , a proud and wealthy nobility , an impoverished and indi ? .
nant people . In the latter period , commerce liad been freed from unjust restrictions , ' food was abundant , wages good , and the sound of discontent was hushed . At all events , the subject can now be approached with calmness . The unre - presented classes hold positive opinions on the subject , and are prepared to discuss the question with their rulers with more intelligence and information , if not with less earnestness of
purpose . It is not undeserving of notice that the task of extending the franchise should have been entrusted to Lord John Hussell . But no spectacle is more painful than that of fallen greatness , resulting from a failure in power . The lustre which shone around the early career of Lord Grey was clouded by the indecision and weakness which marked the latest actions of his political life , and itis lamentable that a similar fate should have
befallen his pupil . Lord John Hussell has lost those qualities which , at one time , impressed his policy with a thoroughly English character . Frankness and honesty , no doubt , he still retains , but the trace of a laborious career may be recognised in the feebleness and indecision which are now so drearily conspicuous . We do not , therefore , look forward with confidence to the promised measure of next session . We have no reason to believo that it will reform the House of Commons so as to make it a fair representative of the people .
Whatever has been accomplished under our present system , it is fairly urged that there aro classes , interests , and individuals , who arc unahlo to make their voices heard within the walls of Parliament . Measures are passed affecting important interests , or touching large classes , in which those who are truly concerned can only influence legislation by means of petition . _ Ilow aro theso anomalies to bo rectified ? How is the mechanic to bo fairly heard when tho labour
question comes under discussion ? How , 1 M * ' £ CC ' when capital has its Mastormans , Hudsona , M orrisons , and the whole race of timid , indillerwit , and land-owning representatives , who arc ig » orant , careless , or prejudiced in the matter r 1 " mechanic demands fair discussion , and the iioU \ of Commons makes no provision for it . Instance abound . Tho professions claim to be Jl ( fu > Oxford
Education has no representative . , on bridge , and Dublin enjoy an undeserved Monopoly . How many men " in the country will uu » in Sir . ' Robert inglisP What does that i »< ' gelical champion , that stickler for worn « statutes , that believer in ancient l > o ° kB , k » ow » educational reform ? Why was it that tho me bor for Newcastle was llio only man wiio ^ nounccd tho pitiful backsliding of ^ , ' jfl tho . subject of University reform P Tho rcubon
obvious . , , Still no , alight difficulties occur w Jlon ^ | , () cloavdwr to suggest a remedy . In i ' V '' ) h j ; represent all classes and all internsIH ^ practicable for every clans and ev < vry J » ¦ j '' JftIlH hoik ! its member to " Parliament Y b « vw o ^ j ()| 1 h have been suggested—such an iJits vciy . lH 01 , 0 of extending tho fra nchise to iill nasoo 1 ^ and all learned bodies , <> r tlmfc <> U . I > 0 lll > ( . ? u , in tho mombcrH of ono profeHHion witln" j f dinlriot , and conferring upon thorn t-Hopn tf | ljr Honding a member lo Parliament . . , . yewo should have a certain luimborot nu j ) V 0 . presenting medicine , law and tiio c 1 ^ loHHiona . Wo cannot avoid tho conoi d
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 17, 1853, page 10, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_17091853/page/10/
-