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THE GITY FUEROS* The bill for the recons...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Sardinian Memorial. On One Point Con...
It is the life of Austria , her sole hope of conservation . The statesmen of Vienna have always been familiar with the doctrine , have always enforced it ; and , though externally they have seemed to swerve , have maintained it firmly and consistently since the peace of 1814 . In the East , then , a common policy prevails ; in the West prevails a common principle ; for the Western nations , whatever forms of government they may adopt or tolerate ,
represent the same constitutional freedom , and breathe the same political breath of life . It is impossible -that the East should not be united ; the suggestion of Sardinia is , may not the West be united also 1 The point of contact is in Italy , where Piedmont exists as an outpost of enlightenment and liberty . It is there that the action of constitutional politics can be carried furthest into the field ; and , if danger results , Sardinia says , in the spirit of old times , that she has not been in the habit
of counting her enemies . She has already made attempts to revive the Italian nation ; but all of Italy that is not Piedmoniese is virtually Austrian , and beyond its own frontiers the government of Turin is powerless . Although in alliance with the Western governments , it is not an aid , but an embarrassment . Yet without her concurrence , what can be done to counterpoise the Eastern coalition ? Being , therefore , necessary to the West , and being , in her actual condition ineffective , her deduction is , that the West should reconstitute her , and open Italy to her influence .
She declares a fixed plan to be essential , and that this plan must be established on the basis of Italian nationality . She has paid the price of independence by her efforts in the Russian war . The diplomacy of the West , substituting its own principles for those imposed ab the last general Congress , by the diplomacy of Yienna , should work in an opposite direction , and , as far as possible , exclude from Italy the moral and material influence of Austriaj which is actual mistress of every
Italian State—excepting Piedmont—which intervenes everywhere , " appeases" all troubles , suppresses all agitation . The difficulties springing from this condition of things have become so formidable that they must be diplomatically or violently solved . Sardinia invites the West to participate with her in preventing Revolution by introducing Reform . Austria reigns ia the fear of devolution ; but her police know how to turn Insurrection to account , how to light the beacon that leads them on ; for at every successive outbreak , Austria has gained something in Italy . It results that ,
notwithstanding the French occupation of —Borne , lier influence is greater than ever . A popular ebullition in Parma is not to her the source of such fear as is inspired by the Reformers of Piedmont , who were at work when the convulsions of 1 S 48-49 interrupted their action . It is the progress of legal , liberal , and pacific changes , approved by Europe , that disquiets the Government at Vienna . One oxamplo of tho fallacies of policy is supplied in the refusal of England to appoint a diplomatic representative at Rome . The Protestant nation dreads the advent of a
Mon-SIGNORE to parado the streets of London . But the precaution operates to tho direct advantage of the Papacy . Wlmt could bo the influonco of a Monsignoiu ! in London compared with the influence of an enlightened English ambassador at Rome , who might openly and loyally give Ilia support to political reforms , in harmony with the wise and liberal statesmen of the country 1 Romo , as it exists , is the receptaolo of corruption . Tho Sardinian plenipotentiaries , " born iu its communion , stigmatise tho government of tho olerioal oaste as tho blight of Italy . If , thon , formal changes cannot be
introduced under the decision of the Congress , the Ministers of France , Sardinia , and Eiig ^ land ought to concur in supporting Qtery project of political and administrative reform in the Papal States , and in all oQier Italian territories , to carry on open communications with influential men throughout Italy , and to sustain them by manifestations of sympathy . These diplomatic
representatives should be men of moderate and liberal views , familiar with Italian history , necessities , and habits of mind . The establishment of a British Legation at Rome would be the first step . At the same time negotiations should he pursued for the formation of an Italian Customs' Union . Upon this it may be remarked that , since all the eminent men in Italy — Constitutionalists or '
Republicansare free-traders , it is the obvious interest of a free-trade community to promote their influence , which represents the national spirit , in opposition to the influence of Austria , which clings to the Russian prohibitive system . Even in Piedmont the Reform party has been discouraged and baffled by the want of practical sympathy on the " part of the Western Powers . England , Sardinia complains , sent Lord Minto to Rome in 1847 , and deserted Rome in 1849 , when the Reformers were persecuted and suppressed ., 1848 disturbed all . ' the calculations of statesmen . Prom that
date the Papal Government ceased to exist . It has since been the appendage of a foreign army of occupation . The memorial admits that , in former days , great administrators wore the Roman scarlet , but now a race of feeble bigots misgovern the Papal States , and the people , awed by French bayonets , submit c 'in agony . " " What can one do for Italy V Leave the provinces of Rome , from Ancona to Ferrara , from the Po to the Apennines , under the
domination of the Holy See , but with a complete separation of clerical from political functions . Secularise and re-organise the administrative , judicial , military , and financial departments , and render them independent of . the Church , and altogether distinct from it . The Court of Rome would still control the religious affairs and diplomatic relations of the State . Promulgate the Napoleon code , establish a Ministry , with a general Council of State , appoint a secular Vicar , uader nomination from
the Pope , for a period of ten years , and leave to the Pope , also , the appointment of ministers , councillors of State , and all subordinate officials . Provide that the legislative and executive powers of the secular department should aiever extend to religious affairs or to mixed matters ; stipulate for tho maintenance of the Roman Court , and the liquidation of the existing debt
in an equitable proportion , by each of the provinces ; organise , by means of a conscription , a national army . To such a scheme , which has frequently been suggested at Rome , not ovon all the Holy College would be opposed . To carry it into effect , however , it must not be entrusted to tine Pontifical Government , but to a High Commissioner , appointed by tho deliberating powers .
Tho Sardinian Government novor proposed to the Congress the exclusion of Austria from Italy , nor does it seem that Count Oavour or the Marquis D'Azrolio , defined his idoa of a scheme for tho regulation of Naples . But what they did was to protest , in tho name of tho ono national Government in Italy , against foreign domination , upholding a miserable anarchy of priests , and though wo look for no direct results from this bold and magnanimous appeal , it is a aign of lifo and hope , and places in tho clearest light tho claims acquired by tho Government of Sardinia upon the sympathy and recognition of tho Western Powors . Tho
Fjempofcentiaries , however , iave d ^ l ^ i ^ Vf itW out formally entertaining the Saj f 4 w & 4 ^ i $ 3 * Tfte iifekt probability seems to be tKai ir ^ J ^ fe ^ retice of French , British , and Sardinian , representatives may be convened ad hoc to ; discussl Italian aflairs . Count Cavour ha & acted well ; but does he trust to the generosity of the Wrench . Government , or ' tothe sincerity of the English ?
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The Gity Fueros* The Bill For The Recons...
THE GITY FUEROS * The bill for the reconstruction of the City Corporation deserves a separate , scrutiny ,. ¦ It is a reform of that kin < l that- destroys what we might diesire to keep , without securing a complete substitute . It ww-fbims rather than reforms . Many of the objections Tirged against the measure in the City are of 'considerable force . It is , for example , urged that the Lord Mayor exercises political functions which should be extended rather than destroyecL At present elected by the very numerous constituency of the Livery-r-16 , 000 strongs — he is the
representative of the commerce of tlte * Metropolis . He is the more so , since the Livery , by whom he is elected , is not limited to residents within tke City technically so called , but comprises persons who reside in all parts of the Metror polis , who have become members of the several companies and entitled to wear the liveries of those Companies . Were the Lord Mayor elected by the 96 members of the Common Council , he would cease to possess the independence secured by the present mode of election . A very little well-distributed patronage used among the Ninety-six would deprive him of much weiaht which , he now carries from
the nature of the electorate . Speaking to foreign states , or to the country , as the representative of the Metropolis , the Lord Mayob possesses a use which would entirely pass away ; whereas , we repeat , that use might be extended . We have an example ready to our hand : has there not been great utility in the existence of such a public representative to speak the sentiments of the people , at this day , to the " United States % '
The change in the position of the Aldermen would be somewhat the same ; and we much doubt whether men who now accept the office would accept it , or whether those who at present hold it would continue to give attendance or perform the duties . We do not speak without reason in expressing this opinion . There is a point which will come more
practically home to most readers . Whatever mistakes the Aldermen may make as magistrates , they are at all events independent . Mr . Arnold , one of the Stipendiary Magistrates of the Metropolis , has shown that his brethren are not in that state of independence . It has happened that a Stipendiary Magistrate has received an order from the Home Office to
remit a fine ; he is liable to removal by the Home Secretary ^ and the power has been exercised . It is proposed by the bill to abolish the Aldermon as Magistrates , and to substitute for them these Stipendiary Magistrates , who may become but head policemen under tho Home Office . In the oase of the Sheriffs this objection grows still stronger . With respect to the Counties , the Sheriff is virtually chosen by the Crown : in the City , tho two Sheriffs are
elected by tho Livery ; tho two together are * ' tho Sheriff of Middlesex , " aoting for the Metropolitan county . It ia in tho Metropolis particularly that the oxecutwo duties of the Sheriff assume at periods of excitement their most important politioal character . The bill would abolish their independence , and so remove that counterpoise which exists at present for the representation of the public by ind « - pendent , local executive officers , and it would place tho City and Metropolitan county undeu tho direct control of tho central Government .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 19, 1856, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_19041856/page/11/
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