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.sTiBKE-ia-lSffiB.]- THE LEAPI1. &fc
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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E^Firial Parliament. —?—Monday, July 14t...
answer reoeivod to the important- communication which ha addressed- to the- King of Naples ? - My noble friend shows no sign . ( A laugh ) Then I shall ask- him to lay on the table of the House a copy of the answer , that we may . have an opportunity of judging whether the infcrmatioDL I have received ! be correct ; ( JSear . ) There is no country in tb » world ; I should say ; more open to the power of England than the King of Naples . If the kingdom of ISaplessets our power and authority at defiance , what if * the interpretation which I put upon that conduct ? It is this : —that they feel there i & somo lukewarmness , some backwardness , on our part tocooperate in extreme measures for the purpose of obtaining the object which we have in view ; and they think
further that we should not like to adopt measures which might give rise to conflict with Austria . We threaten the Government of Naples . We say , ' Your conduct is atrocious , is infamous ^ we re quire you to change it ; They refuse to change it . If we do nothing , what becomes of the prestige of England ? " ( Hear , fear-. ' ) Having passed a high eulogium on the constitutional state , Sardinia , which Austria is doing her utmost to crush , and which we ought to do our utmost to support , his Lordship proceeded to show that the great majority of the Italian people are moderate in their views , and do not wish to change the limits of the several
Governments .. But they demand a fair and impartial administration of justice , and a firm , intelligent , and honest method * of conducting their civil affairs . Give them that , and he believed the great majority of the people of Italy would , be content . When the French code was introduced into the Legations , with a firm administration of civil affairs , the people became happy , wealthy , and prosperous ; and that period is looked to as one of the happiest , in their history . He would earnestly advise the people not to seek to disturb the boundaries of the several states . There was but one way of achieving their independence , and that was through the cordial onion and co-operation of France and England .
The Earl of Ceakexdon said it had been m & disagreeable duty , in the course of the last two or three years , to meet with official reserve the statements of Lord . Lyndhurst . Under those circumstances , he never rose without a keen sense of the delicacy and difficulty of the task . He was then particularly conscious of that feeling , because of the considerable degree of truth contained in what had fallen from the noble and learned lord . The papers asked for it would be necessary to refuse , because they were still incomplete , and he could conceive nothing more calculated to injure the Italian cause than to produce them in their present state . There were undoubtedly many flagrant abuses in the various Italian states , and these very likely had , to a certain
extent , depraved and corrupted society in the peninsula ; but the evil could not be remedied by force . It could only be removed by the governing powers , with whom we must endeavour to come to an understanding ; and not by exterior pressure . " I am most rejoiced , " said his Lordship , " to hear the advice given by my noble and learned friend , that revolutions , however successful they may be , will not lay tbe foundation of a substantial Government . ( Hear , hear . ) It is our earnest hope that the people of Italy have profited too much by experience not to resort to means the result of which would infallibly render their position worse . ( Hear , hear : ' ) Nothing excite
has been done by this Government to promote or revolution . We think that it would be most improper to excite expectations that cannot be carried jaut ; or rather , I should say , expectations that we are not prepared ourselves to realize . ( Hear ., hear . ) If we excite expectations on the part of the people of Italy—if we leave them to expect assistance from us—I say that we arc bound to give it to them . ( Ifear , hear . ) Though I am prepared to admit that there are cases in which the intervention in the ntFuira of other nations not only confers a right , but imposes nn obligation—nn obligation which I hold as binding—yet I regard it as a general rule that intervention in the internal affairs of other
States is not justifiable , and can only bo resorted to upon the clearest grounds , and as a last resort . " The introduction of the Italian question at the Conferences he conceived to bo justifiable and proper ; and the fact of the initiative having been taken by the French Minister for Foreign Affairs was 11 sufficient proof that tho French Government desired tho withdrawal of its troops from Romo . " I wish I could say , " continued Lord Clarendon , " that the result of our communications with the King of Naples is satisfactory . I cannot do so ; for it is impossible that any two Governments can bo more completely at variance , in respect of tho facts , than her Majesty ' s Government and that of tho King of Naples . Our representations were made to him iu the moat
friendly spirit . Wo stated our reasons for believing that tho existing state of things was dangerous to the stability of his throne , and also injurious to tho peace of Europe Wo pointed out what wero the dangers which threatened hia Majesty ; nnd wo more especially indicated tbui necessity of a botter administration of justice . As my noble and learned friend has suggested , her Majesty's Government especially advortod to what ia a point of great difficulty , and that iu tho administration of justico ; they recommended a general amnesty , and , above all , that all persons , being relieved from a Htate of Systematic distrust and unjust prosecution , should , irrespective of their political opinion , liave security for their persona and property . I think that bolder
roprcaeutatibns thmr were made by her M ^ e 8 ty " s € tovemmen < V wittt respect to the existing state' of tilings ^ could * hardly-have been addressed to any Government , (< Wear , fiear . ) I is true that her-Majesty ' s Government last ' week receded tbe answer ^ of the Neapolitan Gove rnm ent *? but- we hav e not yet determined on what reply to make , because w-e have conferred with the- Government of France , and that Government—I hope Ishallnotsubject it to the censure of my noble and learned . friend by teUingvhim : that the Emperor is absent : —( laughter )—that . Government has as yet returned , no opinion on-the subject .. I am . afraid : that , until we have communicated with . the French Government , and . determined ' what course we are to pursue ,. I cannot lay tho Neapolitan , note on . your lordships ' table . I will confine myself to saying that no answercould , be less satisfactory or less indicative of future
improvement . ( Loud cries of " Hear , hear . " ) But the question of reform , in the Pontifical States , and the withdrawal of the army from those States ,, has been in the course of consideration with the allied Powers ,, and has been discussed in a manner and a spirit suitable to the subject ; and , although my noble and . learned friend / may think me credulous in saying so , yet L believe that the Austrian Government does desire to withdraw its troops from those States . I believe that the Emperor of the French also desires to withdraw his troops from Borne , and that that desire , so far from encountering opposition , is shared and approved of by the Papal Government . ( Hear , hear . ) If , then , it be true that such a desire is sincere on the part of the other Governments concerned , I cannot believe that much time will elapse before measures are taken to accomplish the object desiderated ^"
Lord Clajtricajide regarded it as quite clear that the King of Naples had treated with contumely and contempt the recommendations of her Majesty ' s Government . He thought the correspondence should be produced , as a means of bringing the light and force of public opinion to bear on the dispute . —Tbe Marquis of Lassdowhe did not despair of seeing the existing difficulty surmounted'by the application of moral force ; but ; if that failed ,- he trusted that the united military power of' France and England would be firmly and vigorously applied towards- a useful result ;
The subject then dropped ; as far as- the Lords were concerned ; but in . the House of Commons the question was fully discussed , on the motion of Lord John RuasELL for copies or extracts of any recent communications between the English Government , and the Governments of Austria , Rome , and Naples . His lordship said he had no desire to censure any part of the conduct of Ministers , nor would he press his motion if a compliance with it would be productive of any public inconvenience . But he wished to know whether any satisfactory answers had been made to tbe representations of this country and of France , or , - in the event of no satisfactory reply having been received , what were the future intentions of Government . Following a train of argument similar to
that pursued by Lord Lyndhurst in the other House , Lord John remarked that , if the governments of Italy were good ; there could be no need of foreign troops ; if those governments were bad , and continued so for seven years , what prospect was there of voluntary reform ? The occupation , by foreign troops of a state for the purpose of restoring order is : a modern practice , and in every instance it has been represented to be temporary . On former occasions , the time of duration had been fixed beforehand by treaty ; and he believed it had never lasted for so long as . seven and eight yearst The
declaration , on the part of the despotic Governments-, that they cannot part . with the troops because of their fear that , the people will rise ; increases the evil , which thus propagates itself , and gains strength by its very indulgence . " I cannot but think that if France and England , holding the position they do in Europe , should go to a conference of European Powers ,, declare that the Roman States ore misgoverned , and point out a way in which that xnisgovernment can be' remedied' —that if they should denounce the King of the- Two Sicilies as a monarch whoso rule is so intolerable that even that general international law which forbida others to interfere
in tho internal affairs of foreign nations must bo suspended against him—and yet in the end should allow tho Austrian Government to treat them with haughty disdain , the Pope with positivo denial , and the King of Naples with taunts nnd defiance , they -would bo humbled even to tho dust . I am now putting the case that it was wise and right to go to tho Conference of Paris with these statements . I was myself an earnest advocate for tho treaty with tho King of Sardinia . Say , if the House chooses to say , that tho whole of this policy lias been wrong , that her Majesty ' s Government , and those who support suoh a policy , have advised a rash and undue interference in the aifairH of Italy . That I can well
understand . ( j | o back , thon , in your policy , and assume a totally different attitude . But what I cannot understand is , that you should maintain the same op inions , nnd yot that you should not execute that which you said it was necessary to do for tho security of Europe and the good of Italy . ( Hear , hear . ) Theio arc questions , nnd questions of groat difficulty , which would ariao in tho pursuit of tho policy upon which wo havo set out ; but recollect that tho Government of this country but a short time ago—a Government to which I had tho honour to belong 1 —tho very pacific ) Government of Lord Aberdeen—sent a fl « ot to Constantinople , and ordered it to take tho command of the Black Sen ( a sen at that
¦ time' very lifctlfe known- ttr us ) , and also despatched an 'expedition to take a- fortress upon- its * shores- ! Ts any } saefc' effort necessaryto accomplish our present object ? J NbtWng ; of the'sorti T cannot fora moment think that if Great Britain and'Francedeclare * they-couia ' nn . Ionigar permit the Austrian occupation , that occupation would be continu e * I do not-Believe that sucU a -declaration wouldslead to tSe-slightest danger of war . Italy is accessible at all points-. Great Britain and-Prance , with the goodwill and hearty concurrence of tfaewHole Italian people , would-surely be more than a match-fbr any ibrce that-the Emperor-of Austria could bring against them . ( Hear + hear . ] WeH ; . then , yon may depend upon it tilat the' Austrian Government- would yield at . oncer to such a
determination . " If , " after the declarations at Paris nothing but papec- representations were made ,, fie apprehended that 1 England would lose all claim to the confidence of the Italian people ; but , at all" risks , Sardinia must be supported . The hopes of Italy had been described by Lord Byron as the very " poetry of politics ;" and so they are ^ but they also include a most important practical question . He could not believe that , France was reluctant to support and follow up her . own suggestions at the Conferences . When he ( Lord John Russell ) , many years a-go , had ' an interview with , the first
Sapoleon at Elba , he was told by that great man tnat tHe cause of Austrian unpopularity among the Italians was nt ) t because the latter were governed by the sword , but because they were ruled by the " stick . ' * That is equally the case now ; and , considering all' the facts of the question , he thought that Parliament , before it separates , ought to have from Ministers some declaration of the one kind or the other—either that they are not prepared to carry any further their interference in the affairs of Italy , or tbat , using whatever means they deem best ; they mean to attain the independence of the Italian States-.
Lord Pai ^ heeston- was surprised that Lord John Russell should have regarded it as his duty to bring these interesting matters before the notice of Parliament before the close of tbe session . The occupation of the Roman States had attracted the attention of the Plenipotentiaries atr the Conferences , and th ' e . Emperor o £ the French lad expressed his desire that that occupation should cease , if the consent of Austria ' could be obtained ; but the representative of Austria said he had no instructions on the subject , and coxild hold out no hopes- With respect- to Lord John Russell ' s desire to know what steps the Government proposes to take , he ( Lord Palinerston ) must decline , now that negotiations are going on , to gfve any precise information . He would' say , however , that
he did not abandon hope . It was not an occasional'disappointment that would induce him to desist from Kis endeavours : He could not bring himself to believe that a Government like that of the Pope—at the head of which is a man of whose benevolent intentions and enlightened ideas tbe past has given us sufficient proof 2 — would not be able so to conduct public affairs as to remove the causes of violence which , alone produce convulsions in nations . When the Pope returned to his dominions in 1849 , he issued wniu ' « technically called a motii prqprio , in which he announced bis intention of * establishing- institutions based , on popular , election ; and , had that scheme been carried" out , il is probable that contentment would have resulted , and'tBe
interference of foreign troops would have been unnecessary . Such might perhaps even now be the case if the provisions of the motu proprio were adopted . The cessation of the present foreign occupation of the peninsula , and the prevention of any future occupation , are undoubtedly matters of great European interest and importance : As respects Naples-, he was sorry that the representations of England and Franco to the King of the Two Sicilies as to the condition of that country had not beem attended with any beneficial result . This was to be lamented , fbr , if disturbances broke out in the Neapolitan- territories , tho King would naturally apply to Austria for assistance , and complications would thenco arise which would endanger the peace of Europe . This
was of itself a just reason for France and England . using their best offices to prevent such nn occurrence . The government of Naples might have looked with some suspicion at advice tendered by England and France alone- bnt ho did not despair of advice reaching Naples from- other quarters which might produce effects denied to the representations of England and France . It was one of tho ill-effects of tho calumnies circulated as to tho intentions of those Powers that they prevented the operation of sound and salutary counsel . With regard to Naples : therefore , as well as to Rome , ho did not
despair ( re laugh from the Opposition benches ); but Jxa must bo oxcused for not going further . Ho fully agreed , however , with Lord John Russell , that Franco and Eng < - land are bound in honour to support Sardinia from any unjust attack , supposing such to bo luado on her . Tho King of that country ho felt was too wise to give any provocation ; and ho wna satisfied that the knowledge of the tics existing between England and France , on the one hand , and Sardinia on the other , would of them selves be sufficient to protect tho latter power from any sorious assault .
Mr . Diskaism contrasted' tlio declarations mudo at Paris with tho feeble results that had ensued , and was of opinion that hopes ought not to havo been excited if thoro wa » to have been , no practical development of tJuo abstract theories put forth . Indeed , in any caao , lie
.Stibke-Ia-Lsffib.]- The Leapi1. &Fc
. sTiBKE-ia-lSffiB . ] - THE LEAPI 1 . & fc
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 19, 1856, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_19071856/page/3/
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