On this page
-
Text (1)
-
Apgust 20, 1853.] TBVE LEADER. 795
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
The Week In Parliament. 31us8ia: Ministe...
. l , the whole world will value , and upon which wo shall we reason to congratulate ourselves . I am quite sure that my noble fr iend at the head of the Government may wpII console himself for any attacks that may have been made upon him in contemplating such , a result , and that L have cause to appreciate highly the mixture of firm , ness and j udgment by which he has been enabled to attain the end thatis before us . " Mr . Lataed followed "Lord John . He blamed Lord Aberdeen for saying that his policy was " based on peace ; " the interests of England should dictate the policy of an English minister .
« We have heard on all sides during the recent alarmin the lobby of this House , in private circles , amongst men of all opinions—' Had the noble lord the member for Tiverton been at the Foreign-office , wo should not have been in these straits . ' Was it because the country wanted war ? N o ; it was because the country was convinced that the best means of preserving pea ce was to assume at once a firm and dignified attitude . " - Explaining the character of Prince Men 9 chikoff ' s actions , pointing oufc his interference with Servia , showing the spread of Protestantism in Turkey , and the efforts of Russia and the Greek clergy to suppress
ifc , and stated his opinion that without the dominance of the Sultan , the parts of the Turkish empire would fall a prey to anarchy and confusion . Are we prepared to take possession of Asia Minor , Mesopotamia , Syria , and Egypt , or can we allow them to pass into the hands of Russia and France ? For we must do one or the other , as there is no dominant family in any of those countries except Egypt . We should not forget that although Egypt is a high road to India , Syria and the vallies of the Tigris and Euphrates form the high road , and any Power holding those countries would command India . Moreover , the power which holds Constantinople will ever be looked upon in the East as the dominant power of the world , and with Russia at Constantinople , our tenure of India would always be a purely military tenure . Mr . Layard then commented on the conduct of the diplomatists .
" We have committed , in my humble opinion , two grave diplomatic errors . In the first place , when Colonel Hose learnt that Prince Menschikoff was prepared with a secret treaty , a fact known to many persons at Constantinople , and that he had informed the Porte of his intention to forco it upon her , forbidding it , under pain of the Emperor ' s high displeasure , to communicate it to the other Powers , and when we learnt , not from mere report , but from positive and reliable information , that the Russian Government was engaged in preparing vast armaments on the frontiers of . Turkey and at Odessa , we ought not to have been satisfied with such assurances as the noble lord has stated were { riven to us in London and St . Petersburg .
But we should at once have insisted on an immediate disarmament , or such satisfactory proofs of the pacific intentions of Russia as would have removed all doubts whatever upon the subject . Our neglecting to do so was a grave error . That error having been committed , wo had no remedy ; but we . had anothor opportunity , and committed a second error . The very moment we were informed by Russia that she intended to cross the- Pruth , wo ought to have said to her , 'As soon as you on tor the Turkish territory , we shall consider it a casus belli , and bring up our fleet to Constantinople . ' ( Cheers . ) I do not mean to say that we should have gone to war ; but this would have boon the effect of our declaration—all the treaties of
Russia with the- Porte , upon which she founded hor pretonsions to protect and interfere with tho Christian subjects of tho Sultan , would have been ipso facto by the law of nations abrogated , and we should then have insisted that Turkey should enter into no new treaties with Russia , to which Franco and England wore not privy , and of which they did not approve . Had we held such language with firmness , I think that Russia would not have dared to cross tho Pruth , and wo should in tho very beginning havo brought this question to an issue . I have little doubt that tho Russians will now evacuate tho Principalities . It would not bo worth tho while of Russia to engage in war with tho whole of Europe on account of those provincos ,
which wero , to all intents and purposes , her own . She has accustomed Europe to their occupation without a enso of war , and bIio lias shown that she may do with thorn as she ploaso . i , and that any ono of thoir inhabitants who may davoto opposn'hor will , will bo subjected to hor heavy displeasure . Wo have , wo aro told , to congratulate oursolvos upon having achieved n victory—a peaceful diplomatic victory—if wo induced tho Russians to loavo tho Principalities . I much doubt tho victory . Russia has pained , withoiU , firing a shot , what would havo boon well worth purchasing by a bloody and expensive ) campaign . Sho has oitiibliuhcei hor power in tho East—she has humiliated
• lurkoy—sho has compelled hor to submit to nn invasion without resistance—sho has exhausted hor resources— -and , what ia inoro , sho has humiliated this country and Franco in tho eyes of hor own subjects , and of tho populations of ' ¦ urlcoy . What havo wo ilono for Turkey , who opposed ¦< vo uinnands of Russia with our sanction and support—U" »» ands which wo admitted to bo outrageous tmd unjust P Wo have subjected hor to humiliation " and to all tho ox-P- 'Hism of n wiu «; and wo aro now urging hor to accept tho Vwy demands which wo advised hor , in tho first instance . ° r' * jo"t . And how had thoso demands boon now urffod u » i her , and what doou thoir acceptance- involve ? Why , Y" 1 'uvo jusfc loarnt from tho noblo lord that tho fnt )[
' »«* , , j , j 10 prOpOmu to bo agreed to by tho ro-: « HontfttivoH of tho lour Powers at Vienna was first | ° ' »» iuni (! iito ( l to St . Petersburg , and was , of course ) , / V ? . "" y " •' ¦ 'coptotl — tho necoptaueo being sent buck "' Uoufc delay , and * boforo tho proposal could hnvo VCu * ° « ched tho Porto , Tho coiwoquouco is that , if tho
Porte declines to adhere to this proposal , Russia will call upon us to support her in compelling the Turkish Government , who has the real voice in the matter , and can alone judge how far the proposal affects her rights and independence , to accept that which we have sa nctioned and recommended . ( Loud cries of 'Hear , hear . ' ) In fact , Russia has turned the tables completely upon us , and has made us her allies against Turkey , instead of our being supporters of Turkey in resisting an unjust and unrighteous demand . If Turkey accepts the proposal under this terrible pressure—for it is a terrible pressure , Russia now being united with the four great Powers of Europe against the Porte—we have directly sanctioned the pretensions of
Russia to protect and interfere on behalf of 12 , 000 , 000 of the Christian subjects of the Porte , a privilege which she might always have claimed , and , to a certain extent , exercised , but in which we have never acquiesced . Why , this is monstrous ! ( Hear , hear . ) Let this ease be reversed . If Turkey had been in the place of Russia , what should we have done ? Why we should have compelled her to evacuate the Principalities at once , to have paid the whole expenses caused to Russia by an unwarrantable act —( Loud cries of' Hear , hear' )—and to have sent an ample apology . ( Hear . ) Nothing loss now will satisfy the ends of justice . ( Cheers . ) If we do not deal with this outrageous case after this fashion , we show to the world that we have one measure for the weak and another for the strong , and we forfeit our character and prestige in the at
East , rendering the position of our ambassador Constantinople utterly untenable . ( Cheers . ) When once this great country has lent itself to a palpable act of injustice , as she has ( unfortunately done in this instance , she must descend in the scale of nations . ( Cheers . ) Look at the question as we may , we have taken the p lace of a second-rate Power , and conceded that of a first-rate Power to Russia alone . It is said that the question is settled . I contend that it is only a question deferred . Allied with France , supported by the public opinion of the whole of Europe , engaged in a just and righteous cause , we have lost an opportunity which may perhaps never occur again , of settling on a proper basis this great Eastern question , and those vast conflicting interests that yearly threaten the peace of the East , and of assigning to Russia that p lace to which as a great Power she is entitled , and which I bu which
should be the last person to refuse her , "t beyond the safety of Europe and the interests of civilization forbid that she should go . ( Cheers . ) Better Svould it have been to have induced Turkey at onco to have accepted Prince Menschikoff ' s proposal , than to have " abetted her in a resistance which has only ended in her humiliation , and which has inflicted a blow upon her which must accelerate her ruin , and render utterly hopeless any attempt to preserve her as an independent power . But it is not only in Turkey and in tho East in general that the effects of this fatal policy will be felt . Sweden , Denmark , Germany , and every weak state in Europe , which depends for support—aye , for its very existence—upon the high character of England , and our known respect for treaties , will look upon further opposition to Russia as hopeless . The day will probably como when we shall see the error we have committed , and repent a policy against which , as a humble member of this Home , I can only record my solemn protest . ( Cheers . )"
Sir John" Pakington expressed surprise at the shortness of tho notice which Lord John Russell had given of his intention to make a statement upon tho question . Lord John must have known that Mr . Disraeli would have desired to hear tho statement , but lie had left town yesterday morning , and would doubtless be surprised to hear of the statement having been made . Sir John then briefly adverted to the matter of the statement—regretting that there was no inforirjntion as to whether the evacuation of the Principalities was involved in the proposition placed beforo Russia . But ho would defer comment until all tho papers were laid before the House . Lord Dudmiy Stuakt asserted that we had allowed Russia to get all sho wanted , and that our course had been pusillanimous .
" Thoro are two Avays of maintaining peace ; ono is by obtaining for thoso whom wo protect everything that is their right—tho other is by submitting to every insult , by receiving complacently every kick , by breaking faith with our allies , and by p lacing ourselves in a degrading position , where no ono will respect us . While sunsiblo of tho services of a Minister who maintains ponce by tho first course , I cimnot honour ono whoso policy is based upon tho latter principle , and I believe that if wo had now a Ministor who was not tho Ministor of Austria or Russia , but tho Ministor of England , ' nono of theso doplomhlo events would havo occurred , which havo endangered , and still , in fact , do endanger , tho pence and tranquillity of tho world . " Lord John R / usseix , referring to Sir John Pnkington ' H complaint , of tho statement being irrnde in Mr . Disraeli ' s absence , hinted that Mr . Disraeli must havo
expected tho Htatoment— or hud absented liiinsolf , rightly supposing that there was to bo . no discussion , but a mere- statement of facts . Without entering into a disputo with Mr ., Laynrd or Lord Dudley Stuart , Lord John al luded to tho belief that tho Greeks would not assist tho Turks against Russia . " I cannot boliovo if an attempt nhould bo mnclo by Russia to invado Turkey , that tho Christian nubjoctH of tho Turkish Government would bo indisposed to nnninl . them . I think tho enso would not be very different from that which is related in an niieedol . e of Charles II ., who , with his usual wit , on nn occasion when the Dulco of York said lie should tako care of his life , and hoped ho would not tjo in ho unguarded a manner about the streets as he avuh hi tho habit of going , said , * I will toll you what , brother ; I huvo thia eocurity , I do not think anybody will kill mo in
order that you may succeed . ' In the samo way the Mahomedan yoke is not so hateful to tho Christian subjects of the Porte that they Avould be rejoiced to havo that power overthrown in oraer that they mig ht see a Russian power established in its place . " - Mr . Muntz would also relate an anecdote of ICing Charles II . When refusing a demand that had been made by the Dutch ambassador , he suid to him , * Yon would not have dared to make such a proposal to Oliver Cromwell . ' ' Your Majesty , 'replied the ambassador , Ms a very different man from Oliver Cromwell . ' If they had a different set of rr . en in the Government of this country in the present day , the- Russians would not have marched into the Danubian provinces , and they had done so because the Emperor of Russia entertained the opinion that nothing would make this country go into a war . -
Mr . Klackett pointed out with emphasis that the evacuation of the Principalities was more important than any treaty winch diplomatists could devise . The failure of the Emperor of Russia should be made palpable . The Government should not lose time in devising terms to soothe his mortified spirit , but should rather hold the case up as a warning from Europe to the next malefactor who attempted to disturb the public peace . Mr . Cobden , firstly expressing the general opinion that Russia had been . " -treacherous , heedless , and violent , " made an attack upon Turkey .
" There is a growing conviction m our minds that what has been hitherto a current phrase , ' the independence of the Turkish empire , ' has now become a mere empty phrase , and nothing more ; because the fact is , that within the last twenty years there has been a growing conviction in the minds' peoplo that the Tui'ks in Europe are intruders—that it is not their domicile or their permanent home— -that their home is in Asia , and that Mahoinedanisin cannot exist in Europe alongside of civilized states . ( Hear . ) I have no wish to see the Russians in Constantinople , but I will not prevent them by our taking our stand-for the preservation of Mahomedanism in Europe . Also the fact is prominently before us , that the
Christian element in Turkey m Europe is now the prominent one , and we cannot ignore it , because , for every ono Turk in Turkey in Europe , there are three Christians in Turkey in E urope . The great majority of the " people in Turkey in Europe are Christians , and the question is , what are the feelings of the Christian population towards their Mahomedan rulers r ^ I believe that the feeling amongst the Christian population in the interior of Turkey is not favourable . I believe that in the large cities , in Smyrna and in Constantinople , the Christians enjoy a certain portion of protection , but if you go into the interior of Turkey ,
all the evidence goes to confirm me when I state that the Christian population in the interior of Turkey , in the small towns and villages , have a very hard lot indeed , and they are as much now under the rule and violent domination of an insolent caste and a barbarous peoplo as ever they were . The noble lord offered tho opinion that they would prefer the Turks to the Russians . ( Hear . ) Well , that is possible . But I must say for myself—having visited both countries—that if I were a rayah—that is , a Christian subject of the Porto— -I should prefer a Russian or any other Government rather than a Mahomedan one . "
Mr . Cobden then denied that our trade with Turkey was better than our trade with Russia . Constantinople is but the depdi from whence our goods are sent to Trebisond and elsewhere . We never had any commerce in the Black Sea until Russia took possession of the Crimea , and even if Russia keeps the provinces , she will still send us corn . How can we trade with Turkey ? It is a country without a road . Compare Petersburg and Constantinople—the one may vie with London , the other a city of boxes , with lids open all day and shut at night . Russia could not dreinn of invading England . She cannot move an army without foreign gold , and she should como to England for her steamboats and artisans .
" But while I say this , let mo address a word to thoso members who represent the manufacturing' districts—let mo give them a word of ad vice as to the position we should occupy if war were to break out . Tho sufferings which that event would occasion would be such as those who only remember tho war that commenced sixty years ago van have no conception of . In tho first place , wo have u vnwfc increase in material wealth , and that wealth has greatly increased our manufacturing population . Where wo hn < l ono man dependent upon the raw materials supplied by foreign , countries in 1703 , wo havo twenty-five men now . Where we had . ' 10 , 000 , 000 or 40 , 000 , 000 of oxports thon , we have 80 , 000 , 000 or J ) 0 , O 0 O , O 00 now . Let mo toll my friends tho members for the manufacturing towns , who talk so L'libly of war , that while I ngreo with thoin that in nil her
a Avar to defend this kingdom England would bring resources to boar , and would defend herself against nil the world , yet I say that if . England wero to go further , and to engage in a continental war , you do not know what bellige rents you might have in nix months from its declaration . A war now would be attondod with < : onsoqiiciHv . s of which the present generation little think , or they would not talk of it so glibly . In the first pln « 'e , you would havo tho Americans , whose country was n more infant in 1703 , and to whom we could then ' my , ' Vou shall como to no part in Europe except by our permission , ' and we could seize their ships and press their ormvs at our pleasure . Now , if war wero to break out , what would bo the fii-sl ; thing wo should bo called upon to < li > ? Why , wo should bo called upon by the Americana to disavow tho r ight of search . Wo could not rofiiHo that , and that concussion would plaeo
Apgust 20, 1853.] Tbve Leader. 795
Apgust 20 , 1853 . ] TBVE LEADER . 795
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 20, 1853, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_20081853/page/3/
-