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Jan vary22, 1853.] THE LEADER. 85
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A VOICE FROM INDIA. The Indian populatio...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Irish Politics. It Is In A Dublin Editio...
two successive years'famines , followed continuoushr by the flight of the people to America , to call the attention away from politics altogether ; at all events , from those routine " agitation " politics in which Ireland had travelled from 1830 . The gaze was fixed upon the social revolution in progress ; how . to arrest it was the only question of the day . A leader appeared , and said , <* It is the land-law which is the cause of this misery of the people , of this flight , of this extinction ; let us get rid of the law under which
such things can be . " Hence the Tenant Eight agitation—the Tenant League—the Tenant Eight party in Parliament . Whence the second principle—Religious Equality ? Lord John Russell wrote the Durham Letter , ~ and proposed the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill . The Tenant Right party was almost wholly a Roman Catholic party , for it was the protector of a Roman Catholic people against a class of Protestant landlords . The new grievance was a new strength . The thirty or forty men known in the last Parliament as the " Brigade , " grew into the sixty or seventy men
known before Christmas as the " Irish party . It was strong in numbers , in the enthusiasm with which the people regarded it , and in Parliamentary capabilities . And , as we said , it was a party which might create hopes in English Liberals ; for all the pledges which English Radicals had taken at the hustings , it had volunteered . It was essentially a Liberal party , thoroughly honourable to Ireland ; and that was a fact which was not to be lost sight of because an individual member of it here and there—such as
ultramontane Mr . Lucas—talked isolated bigotry about the Madiai , in which he was not backed by his party generally , and certainly not by the people of Ireland , who are good Catholics , but better Liberals . This party was to be " independent . " The vice of Irish members hitherto , Jiad been miserable dependence on the English Treasury ; and to remedy that , vows were not only made at the hustings , but resolutions were come to in solemn conclave , that there should be no more
placehunting—that Irish members should act for Irish interests , and not lose themselves in English parties — that they should act together , have caucuses before divisions , —be , in fact , a club , keeping together and voting together . The great point was that the " Irish party" would support no Ministry which declined to pass Crawford ' s Tenant Riffht Bill and repeal the Ecclesiastical
Titles Bill . This being attended to , the Irish party promised itself that , in the even contests of the English sections of the House of Commons , it would hold the balance ; and that , consequently , the Government of the day would have no option but to bend to it . In point of fact , the Irish party , which voted . together in that division , took , the credit , and got it , in Ireland , of having thrown out Lord Derby .
The Aberdeen Government being in course of formation , Mr . Keogh and Mr . Sadleir—chiefs in the party , the one from hie Parliamentary aptitude and personal popularity , the other from his tact as a manager of men—were offered and accepted subordinate offices . Whereupon the other chiefs declare " treason ; " summon vast meetings which , under the influence of their eloquence , condemn the traitors ; and tho party is directed
to do , and does , its utmost to prevent Messrs . Sadloir and Kcogh returning to Parliament . Tho union of tho people's friends , so conspicuous , so national , at tho general election , and up to Christmas , is no longer visible . Patriot is against patriot—priest against priest ; and chaos is come again . And , as usual , tho Tories take advantage of chaos—and got in . _ _ , , , tho contest bo
Which of tho combatants in may right , English politicians arc very indisposed to stop to inquire . A general belief , indeed , on this Bido of the Channel , is that both arc wrong ; and clearly that must havo been a hollow , fallacious organisation , which was 80 soon undone But it is worth while for those who can regret tho disappearance of a confederation capable , as it stood of so much benefit both to Ireland and England , to consider what is tho exact meaning of those who havo so vehemently denounced the BocodorB . Mr . Moore and Mr . Dufly , the abiding chiefs of tho party , moan , in condemning their friends , something which may be regarded i
in England as very practical , thouglunassuming , rebellion . They mean that all they have Bind of tho opportunities of their party is to bo taken literally , that " independence ia " isolation ,
and that there should be in tlie Imperial House of Commons , a body of gentlemen strong enough , in the balance of politics , to turn the scale for or against Aberdeen , for or against Derby , who will put in a minority every Government not acceding to their principles . Now , obviously , Messrs . Moore and Dufly are talking nonsense if their premiss that they do hold the balance in the House of Commons , be not true . And if it be true that they do hold the balance , and that they do mean to render every Government impossible
not adopting the complete Tenant-right Bill , and not repealing the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill , then it is sufficient answer to them to say that they happen to be far in advance not only of English Parliamentary parties , but of the English people —that no party—not even the extreme Radical party—would sanction the principle of Sharman Crawford ' s Bill ; assuredly that no party would now undertake to disturb a dead letter , by repealing the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill : and that , therefore , if the Irish party should in the approaching session put Lord Aberdeen in a minority on any rr /\ r * rt mnaonT / i qqtt o rrr \ r \ A "Rn / irrof . —np /> fliiQA I , r \ ft \
Aberdeen would not do what the Irish party chose to demand , they would raise such a storm in this country as might lead to something on the Statute-book far worse than an inoperative insult . Clearly , then , isolation—opposition to every English Government not submitting to them—is an impracticable policy , and that it is so , is the defence of Messrs . Keogh and Sadleir ( supposing they had not hampered themselves with silly pledges against place ) in joining an English Government , headed by a man who opposed the Ecclesiastical Titles Bin , and which promises a liberal and generous policy to Ireland .
The Irish party can only hope to attain its objects , or a portion of its objects , by junction with . English parties disposed , for the sake of its aid in numbers and in cleverness , to make terms with it ; and if a combination with one English party be a reasonable course , why not a combination with an English Government ? Very evidently Messrs . Moore and Dufly should have rejoiced at getting two of their own party in a Government which without that ingredient might have been less liberal—certainly less considerate to Roman-Catholic Ireland . There was no reason why the Irish party should cease to be because two of the Irish party went into office under a Liberal
Government , just as there was no reason why there should be no more Radicals , because Mr . Osborne and Sir William Molesworth took office under Lord Aberdeen . The Radicals did not denounce Sir William or Mr . Osborne , and the result is , that those gentlemen now belong more to the Radicals than they belong to the Government . Whereas , by denouncing Messrs . Keogh and Sadleir , the Irish party loses Keogh and Sadleir . Fatal error : and ail because Irish politicians will not study that House of Commons , without which thoy can do nothing .
But English politicians are concerned and interested in the result ; for the loss of this Irish party is a loss to the Liberal party generally . We may bo told that tho Irish party is only minus two . Even if it were so , it must liyo its own recantation of the prineiplo on which it has condemned tho two ; it cannot continue isolated ; it must combine with English parties : and may not find any better party than the Government party to combine with . And in facing
Parliament again , it will havo this to consider , that it has lost half its power in losing all its prestige , in the exhibition it lms efleeted of Irish disunion and personal discontent : and that now , instead of being regarded as a party , it would bo Buspocted as a faction . But in truth there is no longor tho Irish party ; it was nothing , if not roproaontativo of unanimity among tho people . Perhaps tho danger was provoked by tho Keeession ; l > ut seeing tho danger , it should not havo been increased bv tho denunciation . Tim party
had its strength , not from its demand for _ the repeal of tho Ecclesiastical Titles Bill , but from its demand for a Tenant Right Bill , and because in tho latter demand it was Hupporlod by " the North , " by Ulster agitators , in tho press and tho pulpit , and by Ulster JVT . P . ' h . Already a loader of ^ tho northern contingent lias attempted to make peace , and having failed , is more likely to side with tioso in whose favour ho intervened than with those who would not listen to his good oIHcoh . And Mr . Mooro is not tho man tho northern M . IV *)[ will bo inclined to follow ; still less ia Mr . Dufly , who , uh thoy know , means no
much more than they mean . An opportunity for a schism is not wanting , and very many will take advantage of it . Mr . Keogh is one of those statesmen who have a personal following , and the followers will not be wanting in excuses for " treachery , " more particularly as we have a " strong Government , " and there will bo no general election for some time to come . So vanishes , therefore , the compact Irish party ; what debriso ? it remains is not half so vicious as it flatters itself . The moral , however , is not wholly melancholy . English journalists and politicians may be willing lace evidence ot
to see in what has taken p some the great error into which they fall in the stock conclusion that the Irish people are governed by the Irish priests . In thinking and talking about Ireland , we too often take for granted that there is an ecclesiastical , unvarying , consistent system in that country , and that the priests always act together . Again and again has this blunder been made palpable . The flourishing condition of the Irish colleges is proof positive that the synod of Thurles , so fearfully inveighed against here , was utterly inoperative ; and the complete subsidence of Dr . Cullen and his ultramontanism suggests
that the priests themselves are now the same liberals which they were when they returned O'Connell ' s enormous party in 1830—their first electioneering—to carry the Reform Bill . In this nstance , we have one set of priests , in Dr . Cullen ' s arch-diocese , backing Republican Mr . Duffy against Lord Aberdeen ' s Government ; while the diocesan bishops and their set of clergy are sustaining Messrs Sadleir and Keogli in Carlow and Athlone . The fact is—and if we recognise it , we shall avoid a great many other mistakes—the priests are only powerful wlien they take care to agree with the people around them .
Jan Vary22, 1853.] The Leader. 85
Jan vary 22 , 1853 . ] THE LEADER . 85
A Voice From India. The Indian Populatio...
A VOICE FROM INDIA . The Indian population is coming forward in other places besides Bombay and Poonali , and coming forward in a manner which shows how independently the several races are acting . It will be impossible , after the movement which is now proceeding in all the three presidencies , to make a show of collecting evidence on the East India Company ' s Charter , and to collect it only from the servants of the Company or Government . The people of India itself must be heard . We have already described the Bombay petition : we might almost repeat that description as applying to the one from the native inhabitants of Calcutta , which urges tlie principal claims put
forth by the men of Bombay , especially a revision of the supreme government ; open legislation ; more education ; a return of the land revenue for local improvements ; a larger share in the administration for natives ; and in short , a more thoroughly informed and efficient staff of Government . There is also a general demand for enquiry into the actual condition of India , and one or two suggestions are put forth for an enquiry within the country itself . Tho people of Madras surest that the existing Charter should be renewed only for ono year , merely to give time for deliberation . For our own part , we should
strongly favour such a settlement of the Charter as would leave tho improvement of the administration of India open to gradual revision in ono branch after another . For example , the prosent method of collecting the revenue is undergoing a revision within . India itself , and it occasions some dissatisfaction . That if . wnuld ho vmv inexpedient to deal roughly with
the native tenure of land must bo evident to any one who has tho most superficial acquaintance with tho subject . Already jealousies aro excited so painful , that tho very survey has provoked riots in the Candcisli province of Bombay , which was in military occupation . Tho inquiry in tho Madras Presidency has drawn forth replies ho unfavourable to the prospects of the revenue , as to suggest a more than suspicion that the occupiers aro systematically underrating Mioir own condition in order to avoid some anticipated e . xacof
turn ; and the Cutchce JVlohinon . s , a claw . Ma-, honiedans claiming to inherit under a Hindoo law , aro petitioning Parliament that respect may bo shown to their traditional rights . It will be a great advantage for India when more simplicity and uniformity , with an English degree of certainty , shall bo introduced into tho administration ' of the law on such subjects ; but . it would bo a grievous mistake to introduce confusion by hastily unsettling native tenuren , or to Hubstitule for tenures in many places theoretically bottei :
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 22, 1853, page 13, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_22011853/page/13/
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