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    ATjggflT 25, 1855.] THE LEADED B15

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    TWO COUPS D'ETAT. There have been two ad...

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    The Fifth Point. Tnb Wnr With Eussia Has...

    mm—iw—ii ——i—»^——i————Eastern , not as a European question . These northern states , although independent , are weak , and they require a guarantee that Russian encroachment in the North shall be no less arrested than Russian encroachment in the East . " What , " say the Swedes , " matters it to us that the Euxine is free , while the Baltic is under Russian domination ? What care we whether Sebastopol be destroyed if Cronstadt contain a formidable and increasing fleet ? " What , indeed ! But we can do little in the Baltic without the aid of a Scandinavian army ; they can do nothing without the aid of an Anglo-French fleet . What is the price of the aid of a Scandinavian army ? That the war should be frankly developed into a European war , the whole of the Allied Powers pledging themselves to put a stop to Russian preponderance in the Baltic as well as in the Black Sea . There are then two questions for solution , the Eastern and the Scandinavian Questions ; we are doing something towards a solution of the former , and let us hope that we shall be in a position to attempt the solution of the latter before the ice of next winter has melted away .

    Atjggflt 25, 1855.] The Leaded B15

    ATjggflT 25 , 1855 . ] THE LEADED B 15

    Two Coups D'Etat. There Have Been Two Ad...

    TWO COUPS D'ETAT . There have been two additional coups d ' etat in Europe—the one as yet a failure , the other partially successful . The more fortunate champion of " society " is his Majesty of Hakoteb ; his mimic is the King ( or Queen ) of Greece . We have already observed tipon the constitutional struggle that has taken place in Hanover . It was abruptly brought to a crisis at the beginning of this month . The king dissolved his parliament , which had refused to register his decree ; abolished the institutions of 1848 , and proclaimed that the laws of the state would , in future , stand upon the original basis , prepared by the agents of the Frankfort Assembly . Thus has a liberal people been deprived , \> y a sudden and illegal act , of privileges it had obtained by peaceful means , and exercised with more than judicious moderation . For , if there be a moral in the Hanoverian drama , it is , that the two chambers had refrained from the creation of legitimate checks upon the authority of the crown . Tins , indeed , is the local and special meaning of the late events in Hanover . But the great public principle affirmed is one which has been adopted in nearly all the lesser kingdoms of Germany—the principle that at the- next settlement of Europe , whether after a general war or a general revolution , the powers of tho Federative Diet should bo abridged , if not extinguished . Political enmity , in this instance , signifies universality of oppression . If our peern and chairmen of com-, panics desire an illustration of . " solidarity , " they will iind it in tho compact and the action of the Germanic Confederation . In that autocratic council , representing the governments of Germany , who , in their turn , represent the Holy Alliance , the states of Germany agree , all for one , and ono for all , to repress any developments of liberalism that may threaten to carry tho ideas of the German race above the snow-lino of absolute power . They who sneer at the suggestion of a principle , as an aid more valuable than a diplomatic alliance , should study tho organisation and tho objects of the Frankfort Assembly . It signifies little , in a direct sens © , to Austria or . Prussia , that Hanover enjoys a popular franchise . The utmost expansion of material force , or of political enthusiasm in that confined state , could not nu ' ho it to the proportions of a provinco in cither of the leading monarchies . . But unrestricted liberalism in Hanover would loosen the frnino

    of Federative Germany , and perhaps excite sedition within contiguous frontiers . Therefore it is that the Georgian seal is for the present omnipotent , and that a coujp d ' etat can be advanced to a certain stage in defiance of the Hanoverian chambers . As matters stand , the Parliament is dissolved , and cannot meet without declaring itself independent of the throne , which would be a step towards a Constituent Assembly . Such an act of political courage would probably bring to the rescue of " Geobge "Rex" Germanic army of occupation , the police of the Holy Alliance . The danger , however , would not be confined to one side . Military tactics , resorted to in defence of unconstitutional assumptions , have been as often as otherwise the signal of more extended rebellion . Nevertheless , the probability is that the King of Hanover , armed with a pretext and a contingent , would cut up the Liberal party in his kingdom by the roots , sever all the minute connexions between his prerogative and the popular constitution , and thus renew his lease of pigmy despotism . On the other hand , should the chambers succumb , their corporate existence will cease within a few months , or perhaps sooner . A new Parliament elected under the former system will succeed them , and bring an official majority to the service of the throne . The franchise which existed in Hanover before 1848 was even more restricted than that which existed in France before the same period . An election then was the mere response of placemen and functionaries to the proclamations of arbitrary power . Moreover , as the first act of this marionette assembly would infallibly be to recognise the usurpations of the Frankfort Diet , Hanover , thrown back to its old position , would have to recommence , with a mute public opinion and a stifled press , its conflict for constitutional liberty . To the rest of the minor German states—waiting for an examplethe discouragement might be disastrous . Even Wurtemberg , which promises to become a Piedmont in the north , with the King as its leading reformer , would be reduced to an attitude of timidity , itself humiliating and calculated to damp " the faith of the longsuffering German people . We look , consequently , with peculiar solicitude to the next phase of the crisis in Hanover . And this interest , let us add , is not exaggerated or without its use . While the leading nations of Europe lio quiescent , or have suspended their political activity , the lesser states exhibit almost all that remains of constancy or of vigour . Prussia is a king ' s machine , while Belgium is the resort of Liberals , to whom , with as much of courage as it dares in tho face of Europe to show , it affords an asylum , with tho privileges of free thought and discussion . Austria is governed by an Emperor " responsible only to God , " and by ministers " responsible only to the Emperor ; " while Wurtemberg is governed by a prince who invites his subjects to encircle the royal prerogative with parliamentary authority , nnd with statutory guarantees . Switzerland and Piedmont maintain a successful struggle with ecclesiastical powers , representing the more formidable despotisms of the Catholic world . And Hanover , as we have shown , has brought upon itself an imitation of tho Napoleonic process by a rosoi Into maintenance of parliamentary and con-1 stitutional authority . Thus do states geographically inferior deserve tho sympathy and respect of Europe , while- others , of great 1 historical importance , sutler the yoke of sovereigns who rulo by virtue of their eontempt for the human species . Such manifestations may appear insignificant to Liberals who think that nothing is gained except by

    combustion ; but may we not see , in every community that adheres to its political faith , the prolific seed-plot of future developments , auspicious to the general liberties of Christendom ? The second coup d ' etat has been on a more paltry scale . The King ( or rather the QttEEir ) of Geeece has struck at the constitution , and the result has been only a hollow sound . Ever since Gree ce has been a kingdom , it has possessed one man of steady temperament and reasonable public spirit , who has moderated the excesses of the court , and the exaggerations of the patriotic party . General Kalergi , in 1843 , prevented the Greek revolution from degenerating into a street broil , and , perhaps , into a victorious massacre . His firmness , which calmed the people , and arrayed them in imposing masses before the palace , overwhelmed the cowardice of the King and the insolence of the Queen , who no longer put their trust in the sanguinary braggadocio of the Bavarian hussars . The constitution , composite as it was , relieved Greece from a proportion of German brutality and German beggary ; and some of the expelled Ministers fled to London , became traders , and conspired , with vindictive treachery , to place a Russian prince on the throne in the room of Otho . Knowing some of the relations existing between this Finsbury settlement and the Court of Athens , we were not surprised that Kaxehgi , from the time of his last return to office , should be thwarted by a secret influence playing upon Queen Amelia . His Ministry , comprehending the necessities ot the times , have acted in accordance with them , and have opposed the intrigues oi Russia . For this offence , not only Kaleegi , but his most intimate friends—even ladieshave been banished the Court . Finally , the King , having concerted measures with the Russian , Austrian , and Prussian Ambassadors , acted as their deputy , and despatched an aide-de-camp to Kaiergi with , his dismissal . A cabinet council , it is said , immediately replied that Otho was obviously acting under private influence , that he had no authorityand his wife still less—to interfere with the Ministers , and that KALEitGi should remain at his post . The French Ambassador , with his English colleague , appear to have supported the General , who does not seem to consider the royal p rerogative very formidable in Greece . Upon being informed that the porters at the palace had orders not to admit him , and that the Bavarian Minister had threatened him with a challenge , he proceeded with his official business ; and thus the Cabinet remains , smitten by the thunders of the throne , as though Oteo ' s decree were no more than an inebriated ejaculation of the King of Mosquito . But matters cannot remain upon tins footing . Queen Amelia has gone too far , and , if the present Ministry remains in power , has no alternative but to quit the country , or sink into utter insignificance . Tho Russian star—the gift of Nicholas—that sparkles on her bosom , will then be her only distinction . We are not accustomed , however , to rapid improvements in Greece . Though a separate state , under a European guarantee , it is a mere arena of ambassadors , and was principally influenced by Russian and ucrman counsels , until tho allied army of occupation extended to General K ^ na * » *« £ port more positive than that ot ^ J'Zthe randa . But t . e , ^ a « ; ^ war ceases , ami tlio AiH s " , j > their troops , « lmt i » to b < -eome ot Gocof Ita G « e £ nop-1-t . o . J . ^' X'IZJm s ^ ri *»^"» t ° ~' i »^ " I bo ignored or neglected .

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 25, 1855, page 11, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_25081855/page/11/