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"The one Idea which History «*£*, «» o ^...
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VOL. II—No. 70. SATURDAY, JULY 26, 1851....
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The contest about Alderman Salomons in t...
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Transcript
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
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"The One Idea Which History «*£*, «» O ^...
"The one Idea which History «* £ * , «» ^ ^ % ^^ g ^ gfb ^^^ ^ 5 Sa e ^ S _ 2 Kl 3 Humamty-the nobl 3 endeavour -to throw down aU the barr ^ e t < ; and Colour i to t ^ at * the whole Human race Ifon e arSthe / hoot SgoS trtafo ^ ec ^ tfe ^ de ^ lopmeaS ' of our . pintual nature . » -HuMBo LI > T > Cosmos .
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N . w . o , T « . W , « - ^ P ThoNorwIehMurde ^ « 99 Social ^^ -J to ^ ^" r ^ -::: ^^ :: Vil The Clergyman at the Crystal Pa- *^ our Aff £ y <» Bwe . it Novels 707 Opkn ; Council-^ : ^^^ : l ^ :: s & : : ; : ^ js i ^™ - — saSK-Sw . ? PerTlcutionB of Freiligrath : our How to push Befonn for " Next ^ Yraordinary Occurrence at a re- Sl . te ? . ™ Prussian Allies 698 Session . ' £ > oMit Bal Masaue 709 Commercial Affaiiis—The Peace Congress at Exeter-hall 698 Privileges of a Gentleman 703 cent Bal Masque Market * , Gazettes , Advertisement ? , The late Dr . Lingard C 98 Kealities .. 703 ™** 7 .... 709 & c 712-16 * The case of Ann Hicks 699 Mr . Coninghain at Brighton 704 Angelo —— ¦
Vol. Ii—No. 70. Saturday, July 26, 1851....
VOL . II—No . 70 . SATURDAY , JULY 26 , 1851 . PltlcE 6 ( L
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The Contest About Alderman Salomons In T...
The contest about Alderman Salomons in the Commons , the contest about the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill in the Lords—those have been the leading subjects of the week in Parliament . The Commons spent Friday in discussing the case of Mr . Salomons , Monday , Tuesday , and again adjourned to Friday . No real progress seems to have been made on either side . The position taken by Mr . Salomons differs from that of the Baron de Rothschild , in his assuming that he is right , acting upon that assumption , and braving consequences . He did not , as many at first supposed , follow up the genuine taking of the oath by the offer to take it pro forma , with the surplusage
prescribed , avowing that he uttered the words only as a form ; but he took the oath exactly as it had been taken by the Baroi » , and afterwards he sat , spoke , and voted . He was assailed with cries of "Order , " with indignant speeches from the opponents of Lord John Russell ' s bill , with disclaimers by Lord John himself , with motions of censure , prohibition , and expulsion ; but no party then and there threatened to take the initiative in prosecuting him . Lord John Russell moved a resolution , declaring that , not having taken the oath , he could not sit ; and Mr . George Thompson moved an amendment , p ledging the House to alter the oath ; but the debate hat been adjourned .
Meantime , the Baron de Rothscbild has backed of hia friend , by a public meeting in the City . The City has shown much spirit in this matter before , and has called upon Lord John to make the admission of its own Member a Cabinet question . The lordly debate on the Papal aggression ban made still lens way . With one or two remarkable exceptions , the speeches may be described as a more calm and compact recitation of the argumenta so much used in the IIouhc of Commons . Lord
Lansdowne'u rehearsal of the best arguments in favour of the bill was of that kind . The Karl of Aberdeen presented the case on the other side with great clearness , showing that the a # gre 8 Nion wan not of a kind to demand counter iiggrcs . sion ; that if it did , the bill was not calculated to all ' onl such countor-aggreasion ; and that the Ministerial conduct , with its extravagances , Uh vacillations , its provocatives and concessions , was itself a censure on the measure . The Pnko of Newcastle showed
that the Papal bull muat have been anticipated ; and , indeed , Lord Minto let out that he knew of Cardinal Wiseman's elevation before , he went to Rome ! Lord Lyndhurst , author of the Relief Act of * 4 ( i-7 , who introduced that nieamire with an explanation that it was intended to permit the introduction of bulls in order to the appointment of bishops , added himself to the liwt of thono who adopt Lord JoIui ' m lust groan [ COUNTMY lfeMTAON . j
inconsistency . We are not disposed to criticize Lord Lyndhurst ' s conduct—not because age has dimmed his faculties , for we believe that they are still bright and vigorous , but because a man so bowed down by time must feel , above all things , responsible to his conscience , and almost irresponsible to anything else . Lord Beaumont , who occupies the unintelligible position of a Roman Catholic supporting the bill on grounds of Roman Catholic polity , as necessary to the independence of Catholics in England—a Protestant protection against the Pope ' . —can plead no such exemption ; indeed we do not see what plea he can lay before his fellow Catholics , except , perchance , that he has absolution from the Duke of Norfolk .
A little wrangling about the Church of England in the Colonies , during the discussion of supply , drew from Mr . Gladstone the announcement that next session he should introduce a bill to regulate and fortify the hierarchical discipline of the Church in the Colonies . A question of very great importance—and , if the House of Commons look at the moral and intellectual aspects of it , of great interest—has been brought forward by Lord Dudley Stuart . We allude to the motion of the noble lord on the treatment of Mr . Ernest Jones in prison . The
ancient theory of religious persecution , which punished offences of conscience with more iguominy than felonies , long ago exploded as a blot on civilized jurisprudence , is revived in political imprisonments . Mr . Bouverie tells us that English law recognizes no distinctions between political and criminal offenders , which comes out in the end thus—that political opinion may be worse punished than criminal acts , because the prejudices of magistrates lead them to revenge defeat on the platform , by retaliation when they have succeeded in putting their opponents in gaol . The theory of our law on this point is grossly immoral , and must
foment the darkest passions . The defence , too , of the law is no whit belter than its theory . Mr . Jones feels himself lfound to resent the indignity put upon him by compelling him to pick oakum , and he refused to purchase exemption , which would have admitted the rightfulness of the indignity put upon him . Mr . Bouverie says , " It appeared that Mr . Jones preferred to be persecuted , because he would not pay or allow iny money to be paid , to relieve him from this labour . " This is an interpretation , but Parliamentary we suppose , as neither the Speaker nor any Member rebuked it ; but it is brutal and disingenuous notwithstanding . Are these to bo the lessons of senators to the people ?
The Peace Congress has assembled m great force at Exeter Hall , and has carried its resolutions with a bloodless victory ; no enemy appearing . Tho difficulty is to understand how , with whatever semblance of unanimity , speakers and politicians so different in their actions , can be at one in their idcas : how can David Brewuter , Hindu de Girardin , Cobden , Victor Hugo , and John liurnet interpret
" peace" in the same way ? Practically , the Congress appears to make no advance ; it has as yet established no machinery ; it tried its hand on Schleswig-Holstein—fiat experimentum—and that country has been handed back to the absolute power of Denmark . In the French Assembly , as we foresaw , revision has proved impossible . The party of Order have been signally defeated ; the majority have been routed ; Imperialist , Fusionist , Legitimist — all have been frustrated .
The officials of the French Republic number at least 500 , 000 , all directly appointed by the Government . The Prefects of the Departments are Royalists or Imperialists ; and the general officers who hold commands in the army , belong to the same factions . The Republic has no servants , and yet it cannot be overthrown . Within the last week , the Ministry have been twice defeated ; once when the revision was rejected by a majority numberingninety more than that required by the Constitution ; and again when 333 to 320 decided that the Minister of the Interior had unduly interfered in " getting up" the famous petition movement for revision . It is a great triumph for the friends of Continental liberty .
The Party of Order have demonstrated three things before the eyes of Europe . First , they have shown that the disorderly party in the Assembly do not sit solely on the Mountain ; that insult , fury , and turbulence are rampant on the Right , when their schemes break down under them . Secondly , the debate has shown that M . Dupin , the pet President of the Party of Order , grows more partial , flippant , and iusulting ! He exhorted the disputants to calmness , and he interrupted them with unseemly puns . He called Victor Hugo to order for his attack upon those who , prone upon
their faces , listened for the wound of the Russian cannon ; and he suffered M . Baroche to go scot free , when he denounced the Constituent Assembly . Thirdly , the Party of Order , unable longer to endure the great indictment of their policy and practices , day after day developed at the tribune , impatient of that chastisement they have so often administered to others , and taking refuge in their overwhelming majority , put an end to the debate before little more than half the chief speakers had addressed the Assembly . Yes ; la clAture was pronounced ; tho minority were gagged ; this was itself a confession of defeat . Vor them it was
time : never , since the ' 24 th of February , 1818 , has the hall of the Assembly rung with such powerful words in defence of human freedom . This defeat leaves the question still open ; leaves the eventualities of the future unprovided for ; leaves tho constitutional demise of the Legislature and Executive possible -with the law of the 31 at of May unrepeaied ; ' leaven unchecked the hazards of coups-de-inain ; and also leaves tho people free to take the initiative , if need be . Thus the matter is handed over to 1852 .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 26, 1851, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_26071851/page/1/
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