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Leader (1850-1860), 27th October 1860, Edition 2 of 2, Page 3, ENGLAND AND HUNGARY. 'TTHE English peopl...

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      Oct. 27, I860] The Saturday Analyst And ...

      Oct . 27 , I 860 ] The Saturday Analyst and Leader . 891

      The New Austrian Constitution. T He Empe...

      THE NEW AUSTRIAN CONSTITUTION . T HE Emperor Francis Joseph has at last been brought tc confess that his vast dominions can no longer be governed upon the principles of an ignorant Oriental despotism * The confession is worth something , although it may be made in a spirit of fear , and for a purpose of deception . Coming at the time of the Warsaw interview , it has the appearance of an approximation to Prussia , and of conciliation towards the liberals of Germany , but it would be quite in accordance with Imperial duplicity if assurances were at the same time given to Bussia that the Hapsburg Court was far from intending to carry its provisions into effect . But whatever the ignorant , vicious * and deceitful young Kaiser may mean , he has done a good service , and performed one more act that will tend to break up that Austrian system which Mktternich felt could not long survive his decease , by decreeing that henceforth legislative power shall only be exercised with the co-operation of the Provincial Diets as well as of the Reichsrath , and by suppressing the Ministries of Justice , Culture , and Interior , as universal central authorities , " some opportunity must be given , however small , for that independent local action which brings out able men , accustoms them to work together , and teaches the public upon whom they can rely . In Hungary the constitution is to be partially restored , and the Hungarian language introduced in all official transactions , and the University of Pesth is to be re-opened . The Reichsrath is to be increased to 100 , part of whom are to be elected by the Local Diets , and thus , all over Austria , assemblies will be constituted whose duty it will be to discuss public affairs . It must be expected that when the details of these measures are known , much will appear that is intended to pervert and obstruct the legitimate action of constitutional arrangements , but , at the worst , a great step has been made , and if Fkancis Joseph acts with the hereditary duplicity of his house , and with the perfidy peculiar to himself , he will be all the sooner checkmated , through the changes which his necessities have compelled him to introduce . The statements with regard to Hungary intimate a desire to separate her interests from those of Transylvania and Croatia , which is contrary to the fundamental laws of that kingdom , and against the wishes of the people . He will see in it only an application of the old motto , divide im et peva . Nor can the Hungarians be satisfied with the loss of their ancient rights to control their own taxation and : the management of the army . But , whatever defect the scheme may have , the first inquiry will be whether it is honest as far as it goes . Unfortunately , the Austrians have no guarantee for the good faith of their Emperor . If they look to the past , they find deliberate perjury and malignant treachery ; and if they survey the present , they see an unusual energy in military departments , the rapid transit of troops to Italy , the appointment of General Benedeic to the chief command ,-and many other symptoms that war with Sardinia may be uppermost in their Sovereign ' s mind . It is absurd to represent these movements as merely defensive . There is no prospect that Victor Emmanuel will hazard a conflict for Venetia , if he can help it , durin g the present year . Gakibajldi is too wise a leader to provoke a war with Austria until the Italians have done something towards the consolidation of the territories they have already wrenched from their oppressors' hands . , Under these circumstances , it crosses every one ' s mind that the Constitutional scheme ismerely intended to obtain some internal peace while waging external war ; and this impression is not diminished by any assurances to a contrary effect . Even towards ourselves Fiiancis Joseph and his chief ministers were guilty of deliberate falsehood in their repeated denials of the patent fact that they wore sending soldiers to Ancona , and we should as soon think of believing a swindler ' s profession of honesty as of putting faith in any statements upon the authority of the Vienna Court . If the Emperor calls his Diets together before ho coiumonoes another Italian war , they will be tolerably certain to oppose it . If ho goes to war first , and invites their support afterwards , they will bo oxtromely silly to give it ; but under no bivoumstancos oun they doom themselves secure against a violent overthrow so long as an onormoug army is at the ¦ Emperor ' s command . The solo of Vciiotia and tho Quadrilateral and the roduction of tlio army to a small peace footing , nro the only guarantees whioli any rational subject of Austria would deem sufficient ; and it remains to bo soon Avhothor these can be obtained . It must novor be forgotten , that tho grauting or promising this Constitution is a measure of fear and necessity , whioh has been ungraciously delayed as long as possible , in tho hop © that , according to Mr , MiOAWfijait ' e expectation , "

      something would turn up . " So great is the scarcity of metallic , coin in . Austria-, and so intense , the distrust of the people , that [ j . whenever anyone is lucky enough to obtain a piece of money . i -which had a real value , he hides it wlili jealous care ; At ' ¦ j railway stations it is common for the . clerks to refuse to give ! any change that cannot be effected in . paper , currency : and in the transactions of daily life there is the greatest difficulty in making any payments that do not absorb a half florin note . Not only are the people suffering intensely by this condition ¦ of impecuniosity , but the civil officials , tho army , and the police , are all discontented , as . no one can live upon his pay , and everybody knows that the paper nominally -worth a pound to-cLay , may not be worth a farthing to-morrow . Austria is , in fact ,- ¦ a beggarly bankrupt despotism , unable to | borrow another sixpence in support of'her evil system , but still squandering all her revenues upon her army , and turning towards Constitutionalism , as a man in the last stage of disease sends for aiiy doctor reputed . to make wonderful cures . Whether Francis Joseph will be satisfied with his physicians , or clandestinely seek to emancipate himself from their control , remains , to be seen' . Humanity can , ' . however , take . , comfort in the consideration that the . young man and his system have proved- complete failures , and when the historian narrates the events of his reign , he -will not omit to mention that he was very useful in bringing an hereditary , despotism . to ruin and contempt . . .

      England And Hungary. 'Tthe English Peopl...

      ENGLAND AND HUNGARY . 'TTHE English people have a right to demand from Lord - * - John liussEi . T . an explicit statement qf . the-principles of his foreign policy . If he still maintaius , in the spirit of his recent dispatch , that the cause of Austria in Veuctia is a just one , aad still denounces the - . intention of the King of Sardinia , to effect its liberation , he is acting in flagrant ¦ opposition-to tlie almost universal convictions of the people . He may represent the views of the oligarchy , but his policy would be repudiated in every town . This should be clearly explained without delay , as although the Crown has a nominal right to seeresy and mystification in these matters , while no Parliament is sitting , its exercise amounts to a very dangerous and reprehensible violation of Constitutional principles . Looking , also , to the evident preparations on the parfc . bf Austria for anew war with Sardinia , we have a right to ask what" views Lord John Russell entertains towards Hungary , and the application to that country of tho doctrine of non-intervention . It is well known in London political circles that the Whigs arc strong opponents of the separation of Hungary from Austria , and it is believed on the Continent that Lord John Russell would consent to a Russian and German intervention to prevent a rising m Hungary , if Sardinia and Austria should be again at war . _ Upon the nonintervention principle , England should insist upon Germany and Russia leaving Hungary alone ; while Victor Emmanuel , if at war with Fuancis . Joseph , ought not to be precluded from sending the . Hungarians aid , and thus effecting an invaluable diversion in favour of the Italian cause , renews the fears that exist lest France should take advantage of a new war to obtain possession of the Island ol Sardinia , which would give her the command of Genoa . I 3 ut the worst way to prevent this , is to become the enemy pt Italy and Hungary , and the ally of tho infamous Court of Vionna ; thus committing a very grave international crime for tho sake of an exploded theory of the balance of power . . It is a misfortune that England is ruled by ft few old gentlemen , who are always striving to apply the principles , current among cabinets in the days of their youth . The . interests of Europe are perfectly coincident with that natural process by which tho Austrian empire is breaking up , and this can only become dangerous through obstinate refuels to recognise the rights of nations as superior to tho convenience of dynasties , or particular theories of balanced power . If Mr . Mii . ner ChnsoN , or Mr . Glaus-tone , remain members of the cabinet , which in 1860 or 1 SG 1 ropeats Lord Palmeiuhton s conduct to Hungary in 1858-9 , they will forfeit nil claim to public confidence and support '; nn < l although ho only occupies n subordinate position in the Government , Mr . Ciiaku . cs Gili-jn is bound to leave it and denounce it . If Lord John ^ ' sf ' s '; J ; * ° ™ in the spirit of his last unfortunate despatch , we shouId w « o to -boo a society formed for the purpose of watching thoro a . flaiia . ana bringing ' tho pressure of public opinion to bctx J « P ^ ^ J-m . ThcVong siclo . which we fear tho Govorwnou - talcng , » not only the criminaUUlo , but that most ^ Z *^ 'f ™ i ^ in n' waf with France . There should be . me , nt popuhu no ion in this matter , os there is strong reason for dialinrt and aiaim .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 27, 1860, page 3, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_27101860/page/3/