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108 THE LEAD EB. - / ¦ <$$xwxd ay,
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UNION OF ENGLAND AND AMERICA. " Heaven h...
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TAXATION REDUCED TO UNITY AND SIMPLICITY...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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Prospects Of University Reform. Many Ben...
must , be got rid of—that sinecurism must be abolisKed—that all restrictions which privilege incompetence must be removed—and that an efficient body of really learned men and unshackled witnesses to truth in the different subjects of knowledge , must be established . The rest , they say , they can do for themselves , or if they cannot , it is a proof that the Universities are obsolete .
For our own parts we fully concur in these views . We have no desire to destroy the Universities—far from it ; we desire that by reform they may be strengthened and made permanent ; that education of the best and the cheapest may be had within their walls ; so that our children and our childrens' children may resort thither with profit to themselves and their generation . It is from very love for her that we would see Oxford reformed , and made the first seminary in the world . All that is noblest and best in "Britain should be able to strive in her schools
and carry off her prizes ; and fairly win that prestige which association with her confers among men . Now , the elite of Wealth throng her colleges ; some with little profit , many with none , more for ambition and social rank , few for learning and the true culture of gentlemen . We want to see the elite of Poverty within those venerable precincts still teeming with glorious traditions , in spite of all that is intolerable and unjust ; and gaining there those noble manners , those solid acquirements , that high character ,
which stamps the true man . It was for all , and not for a class , that the institution was founded in those wonderful centuries when England was bursting the bonds of black ignorance ; and at this time of day restriction is an iniquity which cries aloud for summary burial . ^" Let the reformers witJdn be true to their convictions , and accept the independent aid of reformers from without , and the " clerical domination" they now complain of will , like all monopolies , be speedily dethroned .
108 The Lead Eb. - / ¦ <$$Xwxd Ay,
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Union Of England And America. " Heaven H...
UNION OF ENGLAND AND AMERICA . " Heaven has joined all who speak the British language , and what Heaven has joined , let no man think to put asunder . " So says the Times , speaking of the Anglo-American alliance . And the Chronicle too , has a very good moral : Let us , it argues , speak candidly to each other in grand essentials ; but let us be tolerant , if not indifferent , about trifles . The Anglo-American alliance is making way , not merely by the canvassing of votes to support it , but by the real understanding which the several classes of the community are attaining in both countries , aa to the community of interest . We have never denied that England and America are practically independent . We have never sought to bind them by treaty stipulations . We see that they have a power of reciprocal criticism , and we observe that it is exercised , almost without measure , on
both sides . We have asserted distinctly that both countries possess immense powers of reciprocal injury . These are great facts , which it would be idle and weak to den }' . If England and America chose , they might range themselves on opposite sides , and inflict blows upon each other oy sea nnd land , such as the world has never -witnessed in the conflict of states . . Ruin , death , and misery could they scar each other with , far beyond the power of any other
potentates in the world to wound . But if they also possess the largest amount of fresh and ready power , then 1 * is this peculiarity in the condition of the two countries , that whereas they are powerful separately , united they become much more than doubly powerful . Together they furnish a fleet which might defy the world , not only in the number and strength of its ships , but in the fnri , Mint no nation ran bring a vrow to match with either , except the other of the two .
Moreover , there are no two countries , the interest of avIioho inhabitants in more obviously bound up with the maintenance of political and social freedom . England and America , therefore , are charged with tho custody of that which all other great stntflH have abandoned—national freedom ; they alono being able eiToctuaJly to protect it , and they alono can hand it down to future generations .
For theao reasons it is , that wo view with jealousy any disposition to uncharitable criticism on the one mdo or tho other . When the American taunta uh with our social evils—with tho
depressed condition of our working classes—with the hardness of that treatment which characterizes the relation between employer and servant —he reproaches us with evils that we never forget , and that we are making some progress in correcting ; and he makes us feel that if he were to press these reproaches very hard , lie might incite such impetuous efforts on the part of the working classes , and such obstinate exasperation on the other side , that instead of mutual concession favouring progress , he might establish nothing but bitter conflicts , obstinate resistance , and despondency of good . In the like spirit we view the presumptuous criticisms which are hurled at America for the most
painful of her institutions . We have always rested our own belief on Locke ' s capital instance , of the process which he calls " bottoming ;" where he says , that when you are about to discuss any subject , you will save yourself trouble by coming at once to the fundamental part of it ; as for example , if the question be raised , whether the Sultan ought to have power of life and death
over his fellow men , you ask in reply , if all men are not equal ; which settles a question , Locke says , needless to discuss : the axiom would equally settle the slavery question . It is held that whatever disparity exists in the faculties of races , yet in the eye of eternal justice , all have an equal claim on generous treatment . Neither can arrogate to use the other as his own property . But when we come to the soil of America , where this truth
appears to need the most vigorous assertion , we find it , especially , in the hands of a party removed from the institution itself and the interest concerned in it , having no practical concern or right of its own ; and uttering the truth as a means of creating social discord dangerous to the very objects of the truth . We find , on the other hand , that there is a practical party distinctly recognising the truth , frankly avowing it ; but going to the opposite interest , and saying to it , " We do not mean to invade you ; we do not mean to visit your homes with revolt ; we wish
to settle matters as they stand on an intelligible basis ; and having assured you that we will do nothing sudden or violent , we wish then to plan with your concurrence some means of arranging this great social difficulty consistently with the honour and future safety of the republic . " That moderate party appears to us not to " compromise " its own views , but only to recognise the existence of two interests , as well as one truth . When you are making a mutual arrangement with slave owners , you must admit the existence of slave interests , and you must recognise slavery laws ;
not because you approve of slavery , but because the very party with whom you are negotiating represents it . It is simply the recognition of a fact ; and Avhen you procure that party to enter into the compact , any concession you make is but a small price for the progress thus peacefully and securely attained . Wo hold that the Clay parly in the United States occupy that position . To our eye they constitute the true Abolitionists ; und all tiiat we desire is , by a respectful forbear * mice from importunities which can do no practical good , to leave the matter in their handa .
In like manner with respect to Cuba ; while we have palliated no piratical invasions , we eaiinot blind our eyes to the march of facts . We discern that the American Union has made up its mind to possess the island , from , the very wildest Locofoco to the discreet Mr . Everett , whose diplomatic letter on the subject lias made a deep impression amongst tho best informed . politicians of our own metropolis . When we look at the map , we see that Cuba is the key to Unit immense sound called the Uay of . Mexico , into
which is poured the great bade road ol the Missouri-lVlississippi stream . The . Americans have not declared . their intention of Hoi / ing the island , but in the mutation of States an opportunity may occur for transferring its ownership , and when that happens , we do say with the Americans that they are the people who can logically claim it best . The history of other States shows that they will , in point of fact , acquire it ; as they wiif also acquire that Guiana , which . Franco lias been stocking with political refugees—pioneers of revolt and annexation . Cuba is destined
for the United States ; and we do not grudge them tho possession . With this view we retain all our independence of criticism ; and fairly exercised , such criticism will have the < luo effect of public opinion upon intelligent neighbours . On English grounds we
set an example of abolishing slavery ; and however imperfectly our measure may have been carried , we have shown that a commercial nation can set duty above profit . The example could not have been lost on the Americans , arid it has not been . And the Americans are doing good work when they send over such passages as the following by the correspondent of the Times , in reference to the emigration for the gold diggings .
"I cannot entirely resist the impression that these auriferous motives for emigration may draw oft * too much of the hardy Anglo-Saxon bone and sinew of England , and open in the vista of the future the possibility of exhausting your productive population . It seems to me that you will be compelled to liberalize all your institutions , to equalize the privileges and conditions of your subjects , in order to present motives strong enough to keep your hardy , working , intelligent
men on your own soil . If this business is carried too far , I foresee in my fancy that the attractions on the other side of the world may one day sow your gree * n island with salt . This , too , may all be well , for it may teach your legislators that lesson which the Times has been ringing in the adder ears of Parliament for so many years , that the exigencies of modern labour , modern commerce , and modem policy , require a larger and more comprehensive legislation for the great mass
of the British people . Representations like these will have a great moral effect in strengthening the working classes to support their own interests ; in suggesting * to the ruling classes the policy of liberal action ; and in showing the commercial classes that " double-entry" itself demands an enlargement of our constitutional restrictions . We must give the people a greater interest in the success of the whole community than they yet possess . If the . Americans indeed were to organize an association for the purpose of stimulating the English working classes to revolt and to seize political rights , it is probable that not only all the educated classes , but all those who have sympathy with
social elevation by birth , might feel called upon to organize themselves , and to maintain our ex elusive constitution by strategy and force . But there is no such organization , there is no such presumptuous and impertinent attempt . We have nothing more , and nothing less , than the full force of American opinion in support of our own impulse to render our constitution more national ; to assimilate us , in short , more with that great republic which is our natural companion and ally . These things are far better understood than they were when the Leader was alone in probing this question , and if here and there we meet with misconstruction , we can point to the one great test of merit , practical success .
Taxation Reduced To Unity And Simplicity...
TAXATION REDUCED TO UNITY AND SIMPLICITY . TAXATION A XI ) KEFKEHKNTATIOjV IN" THE Mil ) DUO AGES . The gradual formation of states which followed on tho disorders of the fall of the Roman Empire took placo under circumstances which gave to king * , and other sovereigns , little or no power of taxation beyond tho territories held iinnmdijitcly of them under feudal obligations . The king was little more than tho strongest ' baron ; and the theory ( if theory can be , where everything is done under mcro pressure- of circumstances ) was , that the king should bear the money expenses of tho state out of the proceeds of his domains . The feudal nobility contributed , iih much as they did contribute Jit all , in the form of military service . They mid their tenants wore exempt from royal taxation ; but this did not protect the commonalty and the towns from tho unchecked oppressions of the nobles themselves . This general state of things bad , however , its variations ; for while in Franco the great nobles were each singly a match , or nearly so , for the nominal head of tho nation , and so resisted at pleasure his aixempts to tax , for national purposes , the inhabitants of their estates , in Kngland the royal power was no predominant , that
the country wiw often severely taxed by the Conqueror and hiri early successors at the mere pleasure- of tho king . In Spain , liberty , as far aa it in implied in consent to taxation , seems to have flourished at an earlier period than in either of tho two countries already mentioned . For while England was groaning under tho harsh exactions of the Norman Icings , and France , not having yet encountered the question of royal taxation , was Hiiilcring under the still more novero fiscal oppres-Kions of the nobles , the Cortes of Cnutilo had already gained power enough to refuse , or modify , their king's demands for money ; and 1 hey carried their inter-
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 29, 1853, page 108, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_29011853/page/12/
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