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COURTS OP INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION. Nearly...
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THE "PROVINCE" OJ? OUDE. The annexation ...
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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The Tripartite Treaty. Perhaps The Austr...
liberations of Lord . Clarendon with the ¦ ff rencH and Austrian Ministers , seems to ifuply ; that some understanding has been e stablished in which he would not have conciirred ^ It is remarkable that , in the Piedmontese debate on the Peace , the Tripartite Treaty was jjassed over without an allusion , tlie interval being filled bv references to the d angerous p olicy of Austria id that ardinihad clai
It cannot be sa S a no m to be included in the treaty . If her alliance was worth purchasing in the Avar with Russia , her guarantee was worth at least as much . But we know that the Austrian plenipotentiary came to Paris with the design of degrading the Sardinian representative , if possible , to a subordinate place in the conferences . Failing in this , it was consistent with Austrian subtlety to disengage Sardinia , as much as possible , from , her intimacy with the Western Powers , and by the Tripartite Treaty , Austria succeeded .
The plot that works at Paris confirms the suspicions that hang to the Triple Treaty . The essential point to remember , while examining this part of the subject , is , that ¦ whatever changes the French Government may propose to support in Italy , those changes will have no reference to the rights of the Italian race , and no tendency to extend the liberty of thought or action . As far as we can detect any movement at all , a pressure is being exerted upon the Piedmontese Government unfavourable to the constitutional
policy of recent years . We have observed , and we cannot but deplore , that the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Turin lias been seduced , in compliance with momentary exigencies , into the most unworthy and suspicious flattery of the French Emperor . ¥ e know that a Bonapaete propagand has been organized in Piedmont ; , and we say the liberties of that state are in danger . Are not tlie Italians sensible of this ? Has their
confidence increased since the negotiations of Paris ? Have they any hope in English policy ? Have they not a profound apprehension of French policy ? And , when they look across the German frontier , and see the Austrian wedge driven gradually through the peninsula , they have no reliance—no , not even in Piedmont—except in a general revolution .
To such a result the treaty of April tends . It is asked , why is the liberal press of Szirdinia without a protest against the schemes in course of construction ? " We must remind tlie reader that , admirable as the progress of Sardinia' has been , the difference between English and Sardinian liberty are still very e £ teential . "We have more freedom than we care to use ; theirs is as yet unconsolidatcd , and , with a high-spirited prudence , they shrink from giving their enemies an
opportunity . They have heard , with dismay and disgust , the Napoleonic accent of the King ' s chief advisor : they understand that , Avhilo Austrian armies are manoeuvring on one side , and Wrench intrigues are active on another , it is wisto policy not to disturb the present political condition of Italy . One act of precipitation or violence , and Piedmont might s ^ ammwith foreign soldiers . Then BonapratisTn would develop itself in Italy ; then would
tltef imperfect institutions of Sardinia bp destroyed ,, before they had taken root ; then the Italians would witness the newest phase ' of' English sympathy , and learn , perhaps , rill that is meant by the Tripartite Treaty . Austria has nmdo preparations for concentrating , at the whoi-teat notieo , fifty thouaaud- men on the banks of tho Tioino . That , , , in addition to tho introduction of a ttioro rigorous police system into Parma , and th © circulation of a contumelious document ; in reply to tho Sardinian nuunorial ,
constitutes the activity of Austria in Italy . Ifr may be imagined what are the prospects of reform under this dispensation . France , meanwhile , works in one direction above the surface , and in another direction underground . ' England , half afraid of the Caesarism that drags her along , approves of palliative reforms , but stands aloof from plans of new viceroyalties and new frontiers . If the Austrian gloss upon the Treaty of April were the real explanation of that ambiguous Act , how is Lord Pa : lmerston ' s reserve to be accounted for ? It would have
been easy to say as much in the House ' of Commons . But no : there is a mystery . The manner in which he and the Austrian journalist deny the existence of a secret article or a secret treaty , only conduces to the suspicion that something exists , which is neither article nor treaty , but which amounts to an understanding ; and we want to know what that understanding is . Even if there be
none , we have a right to doubt our Ministers , first , because their Italian policy in 1849 was treacherous and disgraceful ; and , secondly , because they have the power of negotiating secret treaties , of forming undeclared engagements , of pledging the nation to any course whatever . In fact , as far as our diplomacy is concerned , the only right we have is the right of jealousy .
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Courts Op Industrial Arbitration. Nearly...
COURTS OP INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION . Nearly forty thousand of the coal and iron miners of "West Scotland are at war with their employers , and have ceased to work for five weeks in some districts , for ten weeks in others . Their sufferings are intense , yet their resolution seems invincible ; and , by their general conduct while on strike , as well
as by the moderation of their claims , they appear to have won the sympathy of most classes , except the coal and iron masters . These kings of the Scottish mines , in fact , have determined upon reducing the wages of their workmen twenty per cent ., and by a process which would be called conspiracy were it adopted by the men themselves , have combined to enforce their decision . The
miners , who know what a preliminary reduction means , insist that their virtual wages of 19 s . 6 d . per man per week is not in excess of the profits accruing from their labour . Their employment is irregular , dangerous , and unhealthy ; the mines are yielding immense revenues ; there is no diminution of trade ; prices have not fallen ; and , in this state of things , they refuse to accept a reduction that would leave the miner less than fifteen shillings a week for the support of himself ami his family .
This , however , is not the only point on which tho miners are in antagonism with the masters . They complain that the truck system , in its meanest form , drains oil * a serious proportion of their wages , that men are compelled to buy at tho employers' stores , tlmt girls and boys are betrayed into habits of extravaganco and drunkenness for the profit of tho privileged huckster . Then , in the absence of regular weights and measures ^ workmen are subject to a capricious and fraudulent tyranny on the part of tho headmen tho master
of tho pits . Next , appoints a toacher , who receives twopence weekly from overy miner , young and old , on tho works , and " frequently performs in return no duties whatever . At lentil , ninco tho strike commenced , tl » o hcIiooIh lmvb been closed . Really , tho West Scotland coal and iron workers , who inhabit of ten tiirfhuts hucIi as an Abys-Hiniim would denpiHo , and livo upon wretched food and in enforced abstinence from every human comfort-, can Hcarcoly afford to have their incomes taxed twenty per cent , lor the benefit- of their mantci-H .
The Scottish trades—those of Glasgow especially—are of courBe suffering to a great extent : from this disastrous quarrel . Mr . Pboudpoot , one of the Scottish delegates appointed to give evidence before Mr . Mac-Kinnon ' s Committee on Industrial Tribunals , stated the other day that the loss to the community from the miners' strike in Lancashire was not less than 300 , 000 / . per month . Coals had risen 12 s . a ton . Mr .
Hugh Lee , secretary to the Union of Glasgow Cotton Spinners , added , that since 1815 each of the united trades of Glasgow had lost , upon an average , 11 , 000 ? . by strikes . These statements made an evident impression on the committee ; but the united trades have evinced their practical confidence in the proposed system of arbitration , by their memorial addressed recently to Lord PAiiMEBSTON . In this memorial they solicit that an Order in Council should be issued , appointing and empowering a Court of Arbitration , to be composed of three representatives of the coal and iron masters and three
representatives of the miners , to discuss and settle the question at issue . As umpire , they suggest Lord Godebioh or Lord Stanley . Had they been acquainted with the present state of the law they would not have made the proposition . Lord Palmebston very properly replied that the Crown had no power to issue such an Order in Council , that the masters and workmen were free to
establish a Court of- Conciliation for themselves , but that it was impossible to enforce such a proceeding on either side . Here he touched the salient difficulty of the case . The miners have publicly and repeatedly offered to discuss the subject with their masters , and to submit to fair arbitration ; but the masters , in pride of pocket , decline to negotiate with the miners . That i 3 the dark side of Mr .
MacKinnon ' s idea ; but the objection goes only so far as this : that whereas it would be impracticable to arbitrate for insolent masters or for sullen workmen , it would be as improper to assume that all masters are insolent , or to assume that all workmen are sullen . Let us have a machinery by which the reasonable and the well-disposed of both classes can adjust their differences . Mr . MacKinnon ' s committee has been
particularly successful in eliciting the views and feelings of the industrious classes . A general support has been given to his endeavours . Without anticipating the report , we may say at once that Mr . Maokinnon will be justified , upon the evidence already collected , in proposing at least a declaratory enactment in favour of Courts of Industrial Arbitration . Meanwhile , the English public
should not be entirely indifferent to the interests of tho Scottish miners , whose sufferings , we repqat , are intense , and who complain of positive oppression , sanctioned , in some instances , by the common law . The mild patrons of the working classes are saying , " Look ; to your social grievances j leave p ' olitics alone . " As if social grievances wore not the inevitable results of political disabilities .
The "Province" Oj? Oude. The Annexation ...
THE " PROVINCE" OJ ? OUDE . The annexation of the lato Kingdom of Oudcr being now " an accomplished fact , " it isworth while to connidcr what sort of government is likely to bo most suitable to tho character and exigencies ) of the newlyeoiwtifcutod province . Fortunately , this is no longer a matter of more speculation . In tho admirable aeries of instructions forwarded by tho Indian Government to Genoral Gotham , tlie outline of the future administration of that fine country is sketched wifcli ii mauler ' s hand , and lilted in from ; a largeand enlightened experience of details . » u ~
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), May 31, 1856, page 15, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_31051856/page/15/
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