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Leader (1850-1860), 31st July 1858, Edition 2 of 2, Page 13, NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS. Ifo notice ca...

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    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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      Jno. 436, July 31, 1858.] The Leader. 74...

      JNo . 436 , July 31 , 1858 . ] THE LEADER . 741

      Notices To Correspondents. Ifo Notice Ca...

      NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . Ifo notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence . Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the writer ; riot necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of his good faith . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we rcceive . Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently from reasons quite independent- of the merits of the communica-We cannot undertake to return rejected communications .

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      Saturday, July 31, 1858.

      SATURDAY , JULY 31 , 1858 .

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      There Is Nothing So Revolutionary, Becau...

      There is nothing so revolutionary , because tliere is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Bit . Ajrnoud .

      What Is Sir Colin Campbell About? The Qu...

      WHAT IS SIR COLIN CAMPBELL ABOUT ? The question that heads this article is beginning to be asked even in the . highest quarters in India . The question we ask is , Have we got the " right man in the right place ? " or have we a commanderin-chief who finds the embarrassments of his situation beyond the scope of his genius—the navel character of the resistance he is called upon to overcome too menacing for the means . ' at his command—the active pursuit of armed banditl i too much for fulness of years , and too perplexing in its character and pertinacity to be dealt with efficiently by his whole stock of military resources and experience ? Why does every telegram but repeat the story of rebels routed , strongholds stormed , rebels reunited , strongholds again recaptured , rebels driven from one locality reappearing in half a dozen , disaffection exhibiting itself in districts hitherto tranquil and loyal , nautterings of discontent everywhere at the protracted , the expensive , the resultless operations taking place for the re-establishment of peace in our Indian possessions ? The truth must not be disguised . There is a growing impression that Sir Colin Campbell is net equal to the emergency which he has to deal with ; that lie is resorting to a wrong system of military tactics ; that he is making the grievous mistake of dealing with scattered , flyincr

      parties of armed "brigands by employing regular troops in heavy marching order , with all the pomp and encumbrances of regular warfare , in the vain hope of coming up with and annihilating the agile fugitives . We know that our men arc being decimated at a fearful rate , not by the foe—mistakes and fool-hardy actions have had their full share in thinning the ranks of our seasoned veterans—but by the severity of the labours exacted from them , by the noonday marches , by the never-ending pursuit , by the fatal sunstroke , and by the harassing duties

      our gallant troops arc called upon to perform . Shall India prove to England what Russia proved to France . It this consummation is to be-nvoided , it will not be by the genius of the present Commander-iri-Chicf , nor by the exercise of the military policy he is pursuing . If we are to hold India at all , unless the system of dealing with the rebels is wholly changed , we shall have to pour into the country four or five times the military strength now there , or that would he needed in the hands of a more decided , less dilatory , and widcr-in-grasp of-mind commauder-in-chief . What is wanted

      isnot regular troops and scientific warfare , but light guerillas to hunt down the rebels , prevent them from Beuniting in force , and to cut them up wherever found . If some such system bo not speedily adopted , we shall find the difficulty increase in . intensity , and speedily make its gravity apprehended by tho most obtuse intellect m the Cabinet or tho country , in spite of the flowery and untrustworthy revelations — untrustworthy , because understood to be direct inspirations from Sir Colin Campbell himself—of the " Special Correspondent " of the Times . In strong contrast to Sir Colin Campbell stand Generals Rose and Lugard ; they arc doing all that military men ought or can do , and were cither in U » e post of tho present Commnndcr-in-Chief , the

      belief is that the utter destruction of the rebels would be very soon accomplished , and that the final pacification of the disturbed districts would speedily be announced . We have not penned these remarks in any spirit of detraction towards Sir Colin Campbell , or upon any insufficient foundation . We know we but echo sentiments prevalent in . the highest quarters in India , and we feel assured that the spirit of our present notice wilL be substantially corroborated by what we shall ve ' rv soon hear from official sources .

      Jewish Emancipation. Baron Rothschild Is...

      JEWISH EMANCIPATION . Baron Rothschild is now a bond fide member o ! the House of Commons . He has taken his seat in a somewhat roundabout way , but no matter- —he is now , in his character of one of the representatives of the City of London , as constitutionally competent as Messrs . Spooner , Newdegate , and Co ., to vote upon all questions affecting the political , commercial , and religious welfare of this very Christian

      nation . We have done our part to accomplish the adoption of the great principle embodied in the case of Baron Rothschild ; we desire to indulge in no unbecoming triumph : at the victory that has been gained , nor do we wish to insult or exult over our opponents who have fought unflinchingly in the ranks of anti-Liberalism , and who have only succumbed because beaten by the irresistible will of the people at large , expressed through their representatives .

      We do not agree with those of our contemporaries who have indulged in unseemly vituperation of those gentlemen who took a different view of the question , and regarded the principle at issue in a different light from ourselves . AVe think that Messrs . Spoouer and Newdegate have done no more than their duty to themselves and their country , according to the best of their mental light and special bias , and that their unrelenting opposition is

      entitled to respectful consideration , because founded on conscientious but mistaken , motives . As English gentlemen , and as members of the Legislature , now that ., the contest is over , they will , without doubf , be disposed to bow to the will of the nation , and to work cordially with those Jewish representatives who have found , and who may hereafter find , their way into the British Legislature . J 8 ut let not the difficulties or the nature of the

      struggle and victory be misconceived or undervalued . Baron Rothschild , as an individual , is to be placed wholly out of the question . It was not because we , and those who laboured with us , specially desired to see Baron Rothschild , or any other educated and enlightened member of the Jewish faith , sit for London that we threw ourselves into the sparse and scattered ranks of those who planned the assault on prejudice , and who , by the bold aud startling doctrine they enunciated , showed that they had made a long step in advance of even the advanced Liberalism ot the age .

      It required a strong exhibition of moral courage to announce in the face of the world " that religious tenets shall not be a disqualification for civil privileges , " and to give that proposition a practical ' airection by demanding the admission of Jews to the Legislature . It was not only a bold effort , but it was a work surrounded with all but insuperable difficulties . We had first to overcome tho transmittedrooted personal prejudices to Jews entertained by all classes—prejudices not altogether unjustifiable , when the not overcleanly habits , the loose inornls , and the questionable principles of honesty of the mass of tho Jews resident in the localities of

      Pctticoat-lanc and Hoimdsditch were taken into account . Next , we had to conquer the strong religious aversion which unquestionably existed even in the most tolerant . Christian mind against fraternising cordially with a race against whom the ban of the Almighty was believed to be still in force . On the other hand , there was thcknownreluclancc of a portion of the Jewish race to accept the proffered boon . This section of the Jews still stands immovably aloof from its own liberal brethren , and from all other peoples—still conceives that its destiny is towards the Eust—still believes itself to be tho only chosen and elect of God —still regards the Christian as holding an inferior rank in the policy of creation , and would disdain to stoop to ask or to receive a favour from Christian hands .

      We say it required no insignificant share of moral courage on the part of those who undertook the great work of vindicating the principles of true Liberalism , to battle with all these difficulties , to face

      the obloquy unsparingly cast upon those engaged in the struggle , and to persevere year after year until the question was brought to a triumphant issue . And in proportion to the difficulties which have been surmounted , and the labours which have been undertaken unselfishly , so ought to be the gratitude of the Jewish people . It is more than doubtful , if the positions were reversed , whether the Jews would be induced , under any

      circumstances , to extend the same favour to Christians . The way that Jews can best show that they appreciate the concessions that have been made is by getting rid of their own prejudices , by educating themselves up to that standard which shall enable them to cast aside inconvenient and unsocial traditions and ceremonies , and to copy those examples , which , have done so much to propitiate the English nation in their favour , set by a Rothschild and a Salomons .

      Some Of The Causes Of The Rebellion. The...

      SOME OF THE CAUSES OF THE REBELLION . The elder Quarterlies of the blue and yellow colours , though less influential tlian heretofore , are still read as party organs , and may be trusted as the indicators , where they have ceased to be the guides * of future party policy and action . Party also in the present day is often seen at a loss for a policy , and on such occasions our heavy contemporaries reveal at least the views of the more active and leading minds . There , is an article on British India in our Derbyitc contemporary which , weighed

      on these grounds , is of unusual interest at the present time ; and as it is too recent to have been very generally read , we think a notice of it will be acceptable . .. ¦ ¦ .. Our contemporary attaches a very secondary importance to the constitution of the home government of India , being probabl y not very well satisfied Svitii , the new bill . The important question is , " How is India to be governed ' t" by that ambiguous word "how" meaning , on what principles ? This question naturally" brings under consideration the manner in . which India lias been governed , and only one conclusion forces itself on the mind from a

      review of the past , namely , that almost everypart of the existing system requires to be changed in principle , or reformed in detail . Who would have expected to have heard from , our great Conservative contemporary that the grievances of the people of India are the cause of the Sepoy rebellion ? Yet such is his opinion . " The Sepoy army was a part of the people . Its grievances were those of the population from which it had been drawn , and with which it still maintained the most intimate social ties , " and hence the rebellion . This is the first and only intelligible explanation which lias been given of the origin

      of the rebellion , its early features , and its ultimate spread ; and of the repeated evidence which every mail brings of its having the sympathy and support of a part of the population in that part of the country where it prevails . The proofs which our contemporary gives in support of this opinion appear to us not all equally sound and convincing , and he has omitted some of , in our opinion , paramount influence . For instance , he refers to the petitions of the Protestant missionaries of all denominations in Bengal , as to the deplorable condition , the sufferings , the demoralisation , and discontent of the people ; and he refers to Mr .

      Halliday ' s minute upon the state of the police , But the missionaries and Mr . Halliday spoke only , of Lower Bengal , -where the population has taken no part in , and shown no sympathy with , the rebellion . Again , our contemporary has not dwelt on the religious alarm of botli Hindoos and Mahometans with anything like [ the decree in which this has had an influence as a cause of the rebellion . Such causes , however , as he does advert to arc very important , and ought to be generally known , we-will endeavour , within our limits , to explain them . India , it should never be forgotten , has a peculiar civilisation of its own—the most ancient

      civilisation known—and it is altogether different from our own . It is based on institutions which ore the bonds of order , and have moulded the peculiar character of the people . These institutions rest on the solid basis of law and religion , of which , indeed , they may be said to he » part , so closely are they intertwined . Tho institution of property is one . Wherever the British , power has been established and has carried out its rule , it has recast this institution . The latest of these operations on a great scale , and on the footing of permanence , was in the North-Wcatera

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), July 31, 1858, page 13, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/cld_31071858/page/13/