On this page
-
Text (4)
-
March 30, 1850.] Wfyt %LeaWt+ 5
-
n ^. mT1,, THE TAILORS' SWEATING SYSTEM....
-
BANQUET TO LORD GOUGH The Chairman and D...
-
FRENCH LAWS AGAINST THE PRESS. Whiie in ...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Leeds Redemption Society. A . . „ , ,> ,...
and if a right to labour , of necessity a right to the eomnaon platform upon which all labour is performed , and to the common material produced . We rise up as communists , with this great protest—Things as they now are , are not natural , but unnatural . 1 he cause of the evil is in _ourselves ,-it is in the spirit of selfishness which is abroad ; but as we see the source of the evils that afflict _us-believing in the harmony of man with Nature and of both with God—we set to work with earnest hope and determined hearts to produce a great and glorious reconciliation . " Other questions were put by the audience , and answered by the chairman Mr . Green , and Dr . Lee . « _4 _ovpral _nersons then enrolled themselves members _SttpipStv enrolled themselves members oi * _ue _BuuBby .
March 30, 1850.] Wfyt %Leawt+ 5
March 30 , 1850 . ] _Wfyt _% _LeaWt _+ 5
N ^. Mt1,, The Tailors' Sweating System....
_n _^ . mT 1 _,, THE TAILORS' SWEATING SYSTEM . A meeting of the metropolitan tailors was held on Thursday at the London Tavern , Alderman Sidney , M . P ., in the chair , —in order to call attention to the evils ' engendered ' by the slop , sweating , and . mid- dlemen system , to consider the unjust practice of Government with regard to contracts and prison labour , and to petitioS Parliament to grant a com- mittee to inquire into the condition of London operative tailors . In moving the * first resolution Mr Charles Good- fellow accused the Government of originating the _slop-system by the miserable prices _thaf it pafd for contracts . Formerly 7 s . was paid for an army blue coat ; it was now brought down to 3 s . Under such a system the tradesman had no chance . 1 he speaker also , referrmg to the systemof middlemen , condemned Mr . Sheriff Nicoll , " who had been placed , m a position reserved for the most worthy citizens , because he did not give an example to othera by putting a stop to this evil in his own establishment . Mr Nicoll had engaged to dismiss his sweater , " but _^ _^ _^ _uw _ciifed s cu iu _uwiiusa iub snea _^ , uu . u the fact was he was now the sweater himself and got _wishldt _^ G _^ thev wouTd _pfn toTe _backif _^ ch of _^ e celebrated ' _naletoto ' anaccount of the " _Bufferings the celebrated paletots an account ot the suHerings undergone in the manufacture of them , and gentlemen would be ashamed to wear them . Concurring in the resolution , Mr . T . Smith took occasion to comment on a disposition in meetings like the present to underrate the intrinsic value of principles which were evil only in their abuse : — « For instance at a meeting of tailors in Manchester it was resolved , That the system of competition is un- just in principle and immoral in its tendency . ' Now , he thought such a proposition , stated as it was in the ab- stract , most injurious and false . But yet these Man- Chester men had acted more wisely than by going to Par- liament for relief . A few of them united together with a capital of 7 s . 6 d ., which they gradually raised to be- tween £ 50 and £ 60 ; with this fund they purchased materials and gave employment to * those of their trade who were out of work . They gave ( 3 d . for making a shirt , a very small sum , it might be said , but still it was ilouble what was given in the trade . He exhorted them to form associations of a similar kind among themselves , All our national trade , all the great London companies are founded on this basis , and if those he addressed had not the money capital with which these companies started , they had capital of another kind , and not less real—that _af labour . " The resolutions deplored the wide spread of des- titution , misery , and crime engendered by the slop system , a system ruinous to the honest tradesmen , incl , _through its consequences , conveying disease and loith to all classes * called unon the cler _^ v to evert hoi infl _^ . heir influence in ameliorating the condition or the > peratives , specially by discouraging home-working ; md expressed the conviction of the meeting that ; here is no means of effectually dealing with an evil ) f such magnitude but by a law compelling " all _jmployers to have their work done on their own _Dremises . " A petition was agreed to , embodying the tense of tho resolutions .
Banquet To Lord Gough The Chairman And D...
BANQUET TO LORD GOUGH The Chairman and Directors of the East India _" omnanv _entertained Lord _SSuSh at the _^ London - _. ompany entertained -Lord _^ ough at the _London Lavern , on Saturday , on occasion of his return from _lommanaing their armies in India . I he chair was illed by Major-General Sir Alexander Galloway , _i . C . B ., Chairman of the Company . Among the juests present were the Marquis of Westminster , the _Uarquis of Breadalbane , _Jiarl Grey , Lord John lussell , Viscount Hardin _^ e , Sir Robert Peel , Sir Tames Graham , the Solicitor-General , the Lord _flavor Mr _Sheil and Maior Edwardes After the sual _tout ' s the ' . Chairman _n _^ ied the health of isual toasts the Chairman proposed the Jiealtn ot _. ord Gough , " a soldier who has commanded , has ought , and has conquered , in morebattlcs than any xeneral who has ever been in Asia : — " Full thirty times and more has Lord Gough fought _ar his country in many of our bravest battles . I believe here are few names entered there by the illustrious hief who was the unconscious historian of his own roatness which are better known than that of my Lord _Jough and of his gallant Eighty-seventh—the captors of he first eagle and the first banner of France . ( Loud hecring . ) .... My Lord Gough , in the name f the East India Company , I have the highest gratifica- ion in expressing to you the cordial acknowledgments f the eminent services which you have rendered to them . n theix name , I welcome you heartily to your native ftnd . " __
Banquet To Lord Gough The Chairman And D...
After Lord Gough ' s reply , and the toasts of " The Army and Navy , " Lord John Russell replied to the health of her Majesty ' s Ministers , _observing with reference to the hero of the _evening , that " when the necessity of war has to hp _pnemintprpd _lm _wlin ornmr , o S _^ a _™ of _^ _coS _^^ th bSS _^ t victo _^ _J tin _™® "J 1 " / 1 * F * C ° Un y _? _™ . _Ji _° "i X "" J ? _^ _i 0 " _^ \ s . then a man who _^ s a true lover of peace . 1 he sentiment was echoed by bir Robert Peel : — " Within forty-eight hours he had been called on to return thanks for the House of Commons on an occasion solely connected with the cultivation of the arts of peace , * am now to return thanks for the House of Commons on an occasion when we are commemorating splendid military exploits . The two objects are perfectly re- concilable . " Sir Robert Peel concluded by referring to Lord Gough ' s return to his native Ireland , and expressed a hope that his admiring countrymen would " see in him a proof that the widest scope for the exertion of Irish valour , and for the exhibition of Irish talent , lies in their co-operation with this country _—(^ _oe cheerinff )~ in _^^ l _^^^^^ _ourd _^ TB _, _^ should _"jur disasters ,--m dentity of rejoiomg m our vie- l ° _"Z _™™^ V }? _£ ' a _^ mmon fate in our T _^ _ZZ _^ and _^ _tUmwd _^ Zina ) g C Ve / iement anci continued cheering . ) On leaving the tavern Lord Gough and Major Edwardes were recognised , and loudly cheered by the crowd at . the door . _
French Laws Against The Press. Whiie In ...
FRENCH LAWS AGAINST THE PRESS . Whiie in England endeavours are made for the removal of the r | strictions upon the press , in Portugal and France new laws of repression are demanded by the Governments . In Portugal the new project of law in derogation of the cha _* ter would restrict the . ht f _nrintinor to _thost _* who ran dpnosit £ 2000 " S _" u JL ? _monfv VWp ™ id _rrtrSSade even _£ S _caution-money . -France would retrograde even l _3 eyon _^ Portugal . The bill brought forward by the _Mfnistry of p _* ince Louis NapoleSn nxes the news- P a _*> er caution-money at 50 , 000 francs for the depart- _S ente ° f _^ e Seine ' the Seine and ° ise ' the Seine & nd Marne , and the Rhone , and at 12 , 000 francs for the Qther departmenta . The stamp-duty is to be four centimes for the above-named departments and two for the remainder . and the hawking of all addresses and papers at the elections , _excepting lists of candi- date _£ _^ s forbidden > This ' law against the press has roused the opposition of even the most " Moderate" journals , tending as it does to the ruin of a great J nnmw nf ti _, PI 2 -R llf ; „ _arirlitimvtn thiH liw thp """ I 7 * ° * . % _™™' . B _"V *>? _J ? ni _« Hn _«? nl nf _ffi l « , w M _/ _"f try . _™ P rovid _ ln _S f ( ? r the continuing of the law ot June > 1849 , which interdicts clubs and other public meetings , would extend the scope of the act to electoral meetings . The double measure bears the mark of reaction , whether fearful or angry , against the Socialist triumph in the late elections in Paris , An analysis of the speeches for and against the two laws in the standing committees of the Assembly on Saturday will not be without interest . j _^ _LAArAHT 1 NE sai _& that he was not one to oppose systematically a young Government placed in a difficult position . He did not attribute to the Ministers any intention of _violating the constitution He believed their idea was to protect society against the _ewls which menaced it But the evil of which they complained was aftcr al _\ a sort of drcam a nightmare , a momentary madness ; limited , and pretending to effect with few words the work of a S es . The source of that radical Socialism in a certain portion ( less numerous than was supposed ) of the population was ignorance , for which tne proper remedy was discussion , whose channel was the Press-was journalism . Such a ruinous amount of caut \ on . money _£ nd _gtampduiy only created pecuniary privUeges , dangerous andV . _just . _sLh laws had always _& iied . As to the law on the clubs , he had always been OppOsed to the permanent existence of clubs as incom- patible with any Government except in a period of revo- lution . No people , and least of all the French , could support such an institution without being every three months exposed to seditiqn _^ and convulsion . A choice must be made between the Republic and the clubs , and ne preferred a Republic of order . He advocated the _Merty of electoral meetings , but a liberty organized and limited by the authorities ; though he would not leave the matt ( f r t 0 the discretion of a i > rcfect . The constant presence of the police at these meetings was a violation of the freedom of universal suffrage . General Cavaignac had under painful circumstances ( though they were less menacing than those in which he himself had been previously placed ) voted for the sup- pression of the clubs , and had not opposed the most severe laws on the press . This he mentioned to show that he belonged to a conscientious and consistent party , who considered that society when menaced had a right to dcfend itself ' He did not ' however , « e in the present necessity to _aggravate a repressive f _^^ 8 He regretled \ Lt these laws should be the Government ' s answer to a constitutional manifestation of universal suffrage . In universal suffrage the Govern- merit ought and could establish its own strength . M . Navolko . v _Bonai'AUTK reprobated the constant Governmental practice of branding every sort of _oppowi- tion us " enemies of society ; " and justified the union of all shades of Republicanism by the example of the Royalists . He considered the present laws as a defiance to public opinion , consequent upon the late elections , They would not attain their object ; they would only ruin three or four opposition journals , and impart more force and importance to the survivors . M . Bauocke ( Minister of the Interior ) referred to the excesses which followed the allowance of liberty of thought after the revolution of February , requiring re-
French Laws Against The Press. Whiie In ...
pression even from the _Provisional Government . He only followed their example and the example of General Cavaignac . The present danger was most serious . Tho licence of tn . e press was beyond all bounds , and the evil was on the increase . The adversaries of the laws were not lo S ical : for thev admitted the danger but offered no sort _ofremedy . Society could not savl itself , it must be aide ( L The Diiiswerenot suggested by a " rancorous feeling . " The provincial press was unanimous in describing the alarm following the elections of the 10 th of March . Mercantile speculations had been suspended , and ordera withdrawn . The Government was firmly convinced that the press continued and excited this alarm . Universal suffrage in Paris had been falsified , had beer * menaced by thf bad portion of the press , which dictated to the masses of the people like an autocrat . The deposit-money alone was not sufficient to remedy this evil . Confidence and conciliation had been tried , and had failed ; the evil must be attacked boldly . M _UnrrrvT _vorr _^ r tv maintained that to ant so prSi 5 tatefv _^ _in _^ he _^ _refs _XiS that no a _^ _mtolo _P _^^^^ T _^^ _r _^ i _^^ _r _^^ l of July and February . The press could not be touched _vithou J t rendering its organs unanimous . Under the Restoration the laws on the press changed the opinions even of journals which tm then had SUpported tho Government . The high caution-money would ruin many journals which now supported order , as well as some whose very excesses rendered them less dangerous than _^^ _% i _^ ° _» _V _J _^ _ffiMSl _? a _^^ _pe ' him to sign the articles in his paper . He was opposed to the increase of caution-money , but reserved the questio _* ° f the stamp-duty . M . _Gustave db Beaumont was disposed to vote against the projects as inefficacious , and indirectly au a " a ? k u P ° n universal suffrage , which had not produced al 1 the eVl 1 su PP osed » but had , on the contrary , evinced a tendency t 0 moderation . Of 30 elections 10 were d so tnere was no motive for alarm The Moderate fo , i rnals attacked th t » _constitution unrW th »» _nllnwanpp o ° f Government _constltutloa _™ der _tne allowance M . PlEBRE Leroux denouneed the law a 8 dete 8 table and inquisitorial , and the stamp-duty as unconstitutional _, He complained of the violations of domicile , private letters , and property , lately practised . If the present law shuuld be voted , even M . Thiers' «« History of the Revolution" could not be published in periodical part :. _, Journals and journalists were not alone the objects ot th « persecution , but the instruction of the people , who W 1 * hed r have books cheap p M - Victor Hugo did not believe the so-much-talkedof dan S existed . Ihe elections of the 10 th of March were not aggressive or violent . Theyweie merely a protest by which the Government might profit , w ] iicn it was imprudent to answer by laws suggested by anger . Such laws , instead of warding off the danger , would only render it inevitable . M . Parieu ( Minister of Public Instruction ) did not bpr in the elections the . great lesson which should command the Government and the Assembly to change their policy _, He did not see the triple protest , mentioned by M . Hugo , against the refusal of amnesty illustrated in the person o ; _^« _de Flotte , the necessity of social reform according to _M . Vidal , nor of the sort of public instruction advocated in the circulars of M . Carnot . Socialist ideas 1 threatened to convulse the country , were trying to gain _ground , and it was necessary to arrest them . Their object should be to prevent universal suffrage from being led astray by | anti-social doctrines . The intention was not to inter- T fere with universal suffrage , but to prevent its being | falsified , and to relieve it from an immoral pressure _, M . Mole denied that these were laws of vengeance _, The law sought to protect society , not to punish it . The press ought to be considered , in a double view , as a lucrative commerce , which ought to contribute its share to the charges of the state , and as an immense power existing independently of public institutions , which should be comprised in the general law . The law allowed the Government to watch over political and 7 electoral meetings , even to suppress them if necessary . 1 The very tribune of the National Assembly was guaranteed from excesses by repressive measures contained in its own rules . The daily press was merely a tribune ot another sort existing in each house ; wherefore it flattered men ' s opinions and passions , and thence do rived its success or fortune . -This constant action _destroyed the free will of man . However persons might ] at first resist us influence , they were , sooner or later , J imperceptibly led to believe in the daily declamations of J their journals . He denied an intention to annihilate the 1 press . Governments had fallen not in consequence of m enforcing such laws , but from a complication of faulta _/< and weaknesses , in spite of such laws . The depositr money was the security for fines ; experience showed tho If present amount to be insufficient . He thought tlio stamp-duty _tue more political object of tho law . Ir . restrained the action of the press by diminishing its ' means of _propagandism . He was disposed to vote for the stamp for this reason , and also looking at it as a means of revenue preferable to many others . { M . Thinks accepted and supported the laws . They ] would not prevent journalists from saying all they j wished to say . No law on earth could do that , not evcu . '!¦] a censorship . But the present laws would render morn U difficult the circulation of bad publications , of detestable v productions against society ; for instance , those which proclaimed that the Great Book of the State should be burned and the Bank pillaged . These laws alone were , not sufficient to save society ; but no physician was I satisfied with one remedy . It was absurd to say that the J , laws of September had not saved the Monarchy of July . |! Those laws had produced a good effect against the Kc- W publican party ; they had reduced it to impotence . It cy was owing to other faults and causes , not immediately to M be indicated , that the Monarchy had fallen . _^ M _^ BE
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), March 30, 1850, page 5, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/ldr_30031850/page/5/
-