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Leader (1850-1860), 1st June 1850, Edition Town of 1, Page 230

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      on our old common law , which has been overridden and crippled by statutes and charters , we might perhaps find the means of associating freely , and establishing all organizations as fast as they are wanted , exactly as our ancestors did in the dark ages . Let this be tried : if the courts of law forbid it as against the Ptatute , then it will appear what statutes need repeal . In a vast nation like ours , association may heed to take a thousand forms ; nor do I mean to

      deny , that one of those forms may be that of Mr . Owen or of Mr . MoTgan . But 1 believe that the great prevailing want or' England is , an immense increase of locaf power , with free local institutions . Every county and every large town should have its real Parliament ; and the parishes and wards should virtually be associations of neighbours and friends , watching over their common welfare , and able to defend the common rights against all cupidity of individuals . Without this , all political reforms of the London Parliament will prove delusive ; with this , all other Socialism would perhaps appear needless . Francis William New » iait .

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      ETERNAL PUNISHMENT . Sik , —I am glad th at the Leader has assailed the doctrine of eternal punishment . The reception of this doctrine is an obstacle to free enquiry , and to the frank avowal of opinion . Men who have themselves outjgrpwn the errors of the popular theology hesitate to give utterance to their convictions on account of the mental agony which their known secession must bring on their friends—persons frequently of earnest and sympathetic nature and of exquisitely sensitive organization . Can it be wondered that a son or a brother should conceal his actual opinions , when the assertion of them would cause sorrow unspeakable to those who are nearest his heart ? How atrocious ,

      how unreasonable a dogma is this which makes the investigation of truth terrible to feeling men , and which inflicts on pious and gentle persons , " the elect of heaven , " if their creed be true , the punishment which should fall solely on their apostate relatives . But I would remark that the passages in the sacred writings on which this doctrine is founded are susceptible of an . interpretation , which would , if accepted , abolish a superstition so degrading and so cruel . If no ultimate universal restoration be

      promised , at least no eternal torture is explicitly asserted . ' Everlasting destruction and the killing of the body and soul in hell may denote absolute annihilation , but not endless torment . I may add , that the evangelical Neander implies that the rejection of this dogma is not inconsistent with orthodox Christianity ; and that John Foster , the Calvinistic author of the " Essays on Decision of Character , Popular Ignorance , " Sec , declares his " inability to admit a belief in endless punishment , together with a belief in the Divine goodness . " M .

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      OXFORD AND THE ROYAL COMMISSION . May 27 , 1850 . Sir , —The published correspondence between Lord John Russell , the Duke of Wellington , and the University of Oxford ( represented by its Vice-Chancellor ) gives us a pretty significant indication of the fruits we are likely to derive from the issue of the Royal Commission . With extreme politeness , and a delicate regard for academical sensibilities , the Prime

      Minister endeavours to prepare the University lor the solemn farce which , he soothingly ^ assures it , shall not go beyond " inquiry and report . " He compliments the University upon the changes they have already made in the system of instruction , though he hints in the same breath that they are still some three centuries behindhand ' in general knowledge , in modern literature , and the discoveries of physical and chemical science" !

      •' The object of the proposed commission , " he goes on to say , " is not to interfere with these changes " ( what changes can these be which thus left the University three centuries behind the age ?); but to facilitate their progress . " He promises to handle abuses of the grossest and most notorious description with the most tender and considerate regard for the interests of all persons concerned ( except the British public ) , and to intrust the working of the commission to those who will inspire ** confidence and respect" in the academical body .

      Now , one would suppose that the orthodox University -would be at least loyal and patient under the infliction of this most gentle of royal visitutions . But , instead of this , these ' reverend seigniors" are , one and all , up in arms , as we find by their letter to the Duke of Wellington , to resist nil inquiry whatever . They hardily declare that , so far from not having marched with the times ( as the world has supposed ) , thut " two centuries ago , —in 1636 , —the University revised the whole body of its statutes , and the academic system of study was admirably arranged at that time , when not only tho nnturc and ' faculties of the human

      mind were exactly tho same that they arc still" ( wonderful discovery !) , " and must of course remain" After further ulhulingto the trifling and insignificant ohanges that have token place since the year 1800 ,

      they remind us that the colleges " have not been usually founded , or in all cases endowed , for the education of youth , but for higher purposes . " Now , they who have listened to the irreverent gabbling of matins and vespers in college chapels , and the dull dronings of University pulpit ? , will be really at a loss to discover for what " higher purposes than the education of youth these half-reformed mass-houses have been consecrated . m After reminding any modern admirer of the University system that he is at full liberty to found and endow fresh colleges , upon modern and useful principles of education , but that no one has any right to interfere with the wills of ancient founders ( though Parliament has actually done so , and though in perfect strictness to carry out these wills to the letter might possibly involve the " Invocation of Saints " or the " Worship of the Virgin" ) , they express their conviction that the commission is altogether " anunconstitutional proceeding , " and hint finally at the " painful alternative " they may be forced to adopt , of altogether * ' withholding evidence " from the Royal Commissions . Alas ! for the loyalty and obedience of the orthodox University . Now , Sir , as an unworthy son of the University of Oxford , I cannot but feel considerable interest in the present circumstances of my venerable mother . She appears at this moment in the position of an " ancient gentlewoman" accosted in the street by a polite but suspicious stranger , who insists upon showing her the way . The old lady declares that she knows her way well enough if people will be good enough to let her alone . " But , " persists the intrusive stranger , " you are getting extremely infirm ; you are at least three hundred years old—an age without example in modern times ; pray accept my assistance to help you through the crowded streets , and protect you from the insolence of the people . " This allusion to her age , as is usual in such , cases , excites the anger of the venerable woman in the highest degree . She violently protests that she is only just turned fortyin fact , is in her grand climacteric , —reminds her discourteous companion that George the Fourth " blessed memory" admired a woman who was " fat , fair , and forty , "—and points to her false ringlets and painted cheeks as clear evidence that she is still in the prime of womanhood and in the heyday of health . Her companion , however , still insisting on forcing upon her his unwelcome attentions , she is suddenly seized with the idea that , in spite of his studied politeness and well-bred attentions , he is little better than a swell-mob ' s-man , and that he has a secret design upon her pockets . Impressed with this idea , my »« respectable parent" at once comes to the determination that her safest plan will be to decline all further conversation with the suspicious stranger , whom she requests , in a dignified manner , to " walk on and not continue to annoy an ' unprotected female ' in the public streets . " I repeat , that I regard the present circumstances of the ancient gentlewoman with considerable interest , and shall watch with filial anxiety every change in her fortunes . She will probably escape for the present from the violence that threatens her , but she will be considerably troubled and disordered in effecting her retreat ; and , taking into account her advanced age and many infirmities , it is probable she will never entirely recover from the shock . I am , Sir , your obedient servant , Fked . J . Foxton .

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      LETTERS TO LORD ASHLEY ON PltACTICAIi CHRISTIANITY , WITH REFERENCE TO AN IMPROVED CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE . No . IT . My Loud , —The only occasion upon which the principle of association has been particularly alluded to in the House of Commons in the session of 1848 , was one upon which Sir Robert Peel , in referring to the proceedings in France , made the following observations ; and , although they were applied to plans differing greatly in their details from any that have been advocated in this country , yet he attempted to overthrow a principle common to all systems of association based upon sympathy and mutual aid for the general good , in lieu of competition : — ' With respect to social principles , " remarked Sir Robert Peel , I must say this , that I hope the working classes of this country will not be deluded by the doctrines that are held upon that subject whieli intimately concerns their labour and the wages of labour . If tho doctiine ' s thut are there maintained be true- if there be , indeed , an antagonism between capital and labour—if it be true that all men without reference to their different capabilities , different strength , and different capacities , are to have some iron formula applied to them , and all to receive the same daily wages—if these things be true , then all the experience nnd all the lights of tho last 150 years have existed in vain . Let us burn tho works of Turgot , Say , and Adam Smith . Let us establish in triumph tho doctrines of tho Mississippi scheme ; lee us recognise as successful thos-e doctrines which arc supposed to havo involved France in misery and confusion . Let us wait for the results of this experiment . Let us calmly contemplate whether it is

      possible that executive governments can be great manufacturers—whether it be possible for them to force capital to employ industry—whether they can contravene the decrees of Providence , and reduce all men , without reference to habits or strength , to receive the same wages . For God ' s sake , give that social principle the same fair trial as you are about to see given to the political principle . But I do earnestly trust—I have that confidence in the good sense of the working classes of this country—that they will believe that no false delusion of the compulsory

      sharing of profits—no enmity directed against capital —no distinction of competition among individualsno overpowering of individual enterprise by govern - ment undertakings at the public expense—can possibly be for the benefit of the working classes , or have any other ultimate result than involving them in misery and ruin . ? # * It would be a shameful suppression of truth , without arrogating to ourselves too much of the liberty of speech , not to predict fatal consequences to those social experiments now in progress in other countries . "

      It would be scarcely possible for any one who has watched the proceedings of Louis Blanc , and more especially for those who have read his " Organisation du Travail , " not to perceive that neither his theory nor practical experiments , however imperfect incipient attempts of necessity may be , could by any possibility lead to the wild speculations of the Mississippi scheme , or have any tendency in that direction . I am by no means an advocate for political governments taking these experiments in hand ; although , when we find what success attends the discipline and appointments of an army , and tho

      complicated difficulties of warlike operations—when we witness the simplicity and extensive machinery employed in the transit of letters — I am not prepared to decide that Governments would be unable to appoint competent directors of comprehensive industrial undertakings . Though a veteran politician , Sir Robert Peel is but a young disciple in his newlyadopted school of political economy . I do not agree with him that " all the experience and all the lights of the last 150 years have existed in vain , " for an infinity of mischief has been the result ; and if the works of Tuigot , Say , and Adam Smith are to be

      burned , let U 3 hope that those of many of our contemporaries and more modern disciples in the same school may also be consigned to the funereal pyre . There will , at least , be one book left to teach us a sound and everlasting principle of social economy ; one that declares that , " if we train up a child in the way he should go , when he is old he will not depart from it ; " and that we ought to love God with ; ill our heart , and our neighbour as ourselves . Although these divine injunctions have bwen taught to the working classes and their children , they have been trained in the school of Mammon , amidst all the

      confusion , demoralization , and distress occasioned by contention and rivalry in the pursuit of wealth , in the participation of which they have little chance of obtaining more than sufficient for a bare subsistence , although the sole producers . In all the plans of association that have been propounded in this country , and more especially in the design of the Church of England Self-Supporting Village , which has been more than once submitted to your lordship's consideration , it is intended not only to teach the children by precept , but to guard them from counteracting influences . The moral and the

      religious training is the great end and object of institution , and all employments will be rendered subservient to the moral , religious , and general improvement of the inhabitants . Released from beneath the " iron formula" of competition , which weighs down in misery and degradation the moio unskilful and the feeble in body or mind , they will be placed under the golden rules of Christianity , and trained to delight in succouring those whose natural deficiencies demand the greatest sympathy and attention ; and is it not evident that , by thus strengthening the weak , they will become less burdensome to the community , and perhaps efficient as

      producers ? None can be more fully acquainted with the evils resulting from the training to which multitudes of the working-classes , not even excepting httlo children , are subjected by competition , in the eager pursuit of wealth , than your lordship , for none have more sedulously laboured to correct them m tho variety of unhealthy occupation under the manufacturing system ; but it will baffle the ingenuity of the Legislature to devise any effectual remedy that win keep pace with these ana many other evils under tho

      necessarily increasing intensity of competition ; anu the time cannot be far distant , when you , my Lord , will regard it as a cruel neglect of your duty as h Christian legislator , possessing no ordinary influence , longer to uphold a principle wholly incompatible with , the precepts and spirit of your religion , ana more especially when the benign consequences ot a rightly constituted society could be illustrated by detached experiments with those who nre destitute of employment , and whose removal would add security to , rather than disturb , the existing institutions ofsocietv . * *¦'

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      230 fflfte ZLeaiJiet . [ Saturday ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), June 1, 1850, page 230, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1841/page/12/