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v iry 4 j (MmPtT dTvlTtftiTfl WjlKU UUUUiUIJ*
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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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the immense " demand " for silks of every sortponder one instant on the " supply " needed in the single article of torn gowns ; the carpets required for all those lodgings , and all those houses newly adorned ; the chairs new and refitted , the tables , the looking-glasses ; the servants in all ranks , cooks especially ; the horse-flesh and carriage hire , with grooms to match . You , who have a more powerful intellect , try if you can fulfil the task , and bring before your mind ' s eye the vast whole ; try even to compass the imagination of any one single article—concentrate your intellectual regard , for example , upon the jellies !
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WAGES AND FOOD . The Protectionist doctrine , that wages must rise and fall with the fluctuations in the price of food , does not seem to have been carried out in the case of the Judges ; indeed it would rather seem as if their salaries had been increased along with the fall in the prices of the chief articles of consumption . From a return laid before Parliament , last week , it appears that the aggregate salaries of the fifteen Judges , in 181-5 , amounted to £ 62 , 500 , giving an average of about £ 4180 per head per
annum . At present the aggregate salaries of the twenty Judges amount to £ 120 , 000 , giving an average of £ G 000 per head per annum . Here we have a very considerable increase of wages along with a great reduction in the cost of living ; for every one knows that the chief articles of subsistence were from thirty to forty per cent , dearer in 1815 than they are at present . Taking this into account , in other words , measuring them by their purchasing power , the salaries of the Judges are now more than double what they were in 1815 .
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OUR AMERICAN ItlVALS . A writer in the Morning Post says , " The American cotton manufacturers are about to establish cotton factories in the west of Ireland . " This will be " news " to our Lancashire readers . But the reason given for this movement on the part of our New England rivals is the most surprising part of the announcement . " They have long felt , " says the Post , " that , whilst wages were so high in America they struggled in vain against British manufacturers ; labour of all sorts being fully fifty per cent , higher in America than in England . " What will Mr . George Frederick Young and his friend , Mr . Chowler , say to that ? Surely the British farmer has little reason to be afraid of American competition when he can get his labour done for one-half of what it costs the farmer in the United States . That is not our difficulty here .
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THE DANGERS OF DIPLOMACY . June 19 , i 8 . > 0 . Sin , —The debate in the House of Lords , on Monday last , not only brings into full view the Greek question but the foreign policy of Englniul , not only the fitness of Lord Palmorston for his post but tho whole of our diplomatic system . Unhappily our foreign policy is . a dirrct result of ouv ( liplomsi'ic system ; but this diplomatic system is ]» ' < Hiliuvly aggravate *! by Whig treatment . All Whigs , whether in home politics , or foreign polities , 1 in la
an n ' sc position . They ennnot , from their nature , deal honestly , cither with foreign governments or foreign , peoples ; mid tho dexterous agility ol Lord 1 ' ultuovstnn , operating in Whig trammels upon foreign questions , is quite sufluient to account for tho complexity of our relations mid the isolation nt our position . The reputation of his party prevents him from absolutely and heartily taking sides with the Absolutists ; and the principles of his party , their high Toryism of character , and aristocratic hauteur , oppose an impassable barrier in the way of any frank sympathy with , and , where needful , earnest
diplomatic action in favour of the peoples of Europe . He is therefore compelled to exercise his ingenuity in tampering with peoples and shuffling with kings . One moment supporting Sicily and the next moment betraying it ; this day suppresing an almost triumphant revolt in Portugal and the next bullying the King of Greece ; sending a squadron up the Dardanelles to befriend the Hungarians , and apologising to the Emperor of Russia for entering the forbidden waters .
Lord Aberdeen made much of all these transactions ; but he forgot , though a diplomatist , that they militate more against his craft than against Lord Palmerston . Lord Aberdeen is a consistent Absolutist with imperial longings . In his eyes diplomacy is sinless when it supports the despots of Europe . I should have thought , Mr . Editor , that the Aberdonian policy , when Peel was in power , would have been sufficient to disqualify Lord Aberdeen from giving evidence against Lord Palmerston . All the noble Lords of rival parties , who have their eyes on the Foreign-office , quarrel , in a Pickwickian sense ,
on this subject . Each claims the support of the people , and declares that he has it . But each , in his turn , furnishes evidence for the condemnation of the other ; and each displays the vices of that science in which he thinks himself an adept . Lord Stanley , in the most distinct language , asserts that the English , French , and Russian diplomatists at Athens have been bent " for many years " " upon intriguing and caballing between themselves for a control over the internal affairs of Greece . " Lord Aberdeen declares that it was believed by his party — " we who know a little more of the reckless
manner in which the foreign affairs of this country are conducted "—that " the destruction of the Greek Government was intended" by the display of overwhelming force . Lord Beaumont intimated as much . Viscount Canning bore testimony to the impudence and insolence which characterized the despatches of Sir Edmund Lyons and Lord Palmerston , and left to be inferred , what everybody knew , that the intercourse between Governments was carried on in the
opposite spirit to that which dictates * ' the intercourse between honourable and prudent men in private life . " All this testimony tells against the whole system of diplomacy ; and I regard the censure of Lord Palmerston as far less important than the indirect condemnation of diplomacy by the testimony of its professors . Iu Whig hands diplomacy is a fatal weakness , and in Tory hands it is a fatal strength—each operating through the former more cruelly to the injury of humanity and the retardation of progress .
The moral effect of this aristocratic judgment upon the insignificant Greek question will be to strengthen the hands of the reactionary party throughout the Continent . The majoiity who voted with Lord Stanley voted with him upon Absolutist principles , and frbm . their point of view they are justified in doing so . But when Lord Stanley says that the Foreign-office is not England , I rejoin that the majority who follow Lords Stanley and Aberdeen are not England . But what of that ? The monarchs of Europe look only to the House of Lords , and , finding support there , contemn the opinion of the English people , whir-h looks upon Lord Stanley as interesting in a gladiatorial point of view , but detests the principles of Lord Aberdeen .
That this vote will be regarded by the reactionary party as in their favour is evidenced by the Times of Wednesday—the best English organ of that party ; and , while I acquiesce in the vote as against Lord Palmerston , and rejoice at this hard blow at the ¦ pachydermatous Whigs , I regret that such an opportunity should have been furnished by even pretended Liberals of giving the continental peoples a false impression of the sentiments of Englishmen . For this reason I have taken the liberty of calling your attention to the subject , and entering one protest against the evil operation of a gambling diplomacy upon the fortunes of freedom in Europe . G . II .
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JUSTICE ENFORCETH UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE . 11 ox ton , June 1 G , lS . > 0 . Sin , —I shall not attempt to prove whether every man and woman have a right to tho sufFrage or not . Although it appears to me that , if you allow the right to exist in anyone , you must allow it to exist in all—that , if you ignore the right of the suffrage , you must , when the unenfranchised classes are intelligent enough to demand their enfranchisement , and ir . be refused them , allow the right of revolution . In the main , I agree wiih your correspondent P . There lire few who will not allow that if the right to the suffrage bo denied , that the People , in justice , ought to governed by the highest moral and intellectual powers in the kingdom . When pocket boroughs flourished in all their rankness were the People so governed ? History says No . Since the Reform Bill have they been so governed ? Almost every newspaper , from that time to this , says No . All of us who know anything of what governments are formed , and of the intellect of the day , reiterate No . The highest moral and intellectual
powerwhere is it ? In all classes . Who knows not that it is to be found in the mechanic working at the for «* e , in the tradesman , in the merchant , in the manufacturer , in the peer ? Thus , then , we can choose that which ought to be the governing power from all classes . Thus all classes might be truly and effectively represented by men of their own class . They all have interests , vital interests to them ; they will be sure to elect him who has the power to forward their interests most , him whose views embrace the largest portion of the constituency . Thus justice renders universal suffrage a necessity . Yours truly , C . F . N .
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MARRIAGE INDISSOLUBLE . Exeter , June 17 , 1850 . Sir , —I have been much disappointed to see no reply in your Open Council to the letters of F . Worsley and H . Glynn on Marriage and Divorce . The former gentleman having put forth a second communication on the subject , I feel it my duty to say a few words in reply . Is the silence of other and abler disputants owing to the arguments of these writers being unanswerable ? or is the matter too delicate to the majority of your correspondents ? I suspect the latter to be the case .
In the absence of knowledge as to the extent of Messrs . Worsley and Glynn's deference to the authority of Scripture on this subject , I appeal to your readers , rather than to them , whether the relaxation of the marriage bond , which they recommend , is not contrary to the whole tenor of Divine Injunction . We read in the very commencement of the Bible of the institution of marriage by the Supreme Being ; and we find its indissolubility implied in the strong terms in which the union is spoken of . Thereon shall a man leave his father and his mother , and shall cleave unto his wife , and they shall be one flesh . "
This view is confirmed by the express words of our Lord when the question of Divorce was referred to him by the Jews . He then quoted these very words from Genesis , and added to them the emphatic and decisive command , ** What , therefore , God hath joined together , let not man put asunder . " It is true that license was afforded to the Jews by their law for divorce and repudiation : but this , like the permission of polygamy and concubinage , were accommodations made by Moses to the rude and sensual nature of the people ; and , as we find from the words of Jesus and from Scripture history , contrary to the primitive ordinance and practice which Jesus , among other things , was commissioned to restore .
The one exception to the rule , adultery , naturally grows out of the rule itself . Man and woman are made by matrimony " one flesh . " Adultery puts an end to that oneness , and makes them once more " twain . " The inward union being thus dissolved , the outward bond , its symbol at once and its consecration , is naturally dissolved also . This one condition of divorce established by Jesus , has been maintained by the universal church for eighteen hundred years . How Messrs . Worsley and Glynn , and those who sympathize with their views , can assert any other without ignoring our Saviour and his authority , I am at a loss to know . I am , sir , yours obediently , James Eastfield .
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ERRATUM . There was an important error in the letters from Mrs . Walbey which appeared in our last number . She wrote— " But how , it may be inquired , are we to decide on the genuineness of particular passages in the New Testament ? We must in the first instance prove , as can be done by reference to external or profane history , the great facts narrated there , " &c . Instead of this has been erroneously substituted : — " We must , in the first instance , prove it can be done by reference to external or profane history . The great facts narrated there such as the existence of Jesus , his formation of a Church , and his subsequent Crucifixion , the succeeding persecution endured by his disciples , their indomitable perseverance , notwithstanding the most ignominious treatment , their persistency against all worldly interests , and their constancy unto death—often violent and terrible as it was , during the earliest era of Christianity !"
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The Pioneers of Progress . —The social ideologies of the present day are evidently the expression or a deeply-ft It want , an aspiration after the beautiful and the intellectual , a feeling of sympathy for human woe ; and while their authors , and those who adopt them , confine themselves to moral and peaceful means of propagating them , and do not suffer their zeal to mislead them into courses inimical to the continuance of order , we should respect their motives , however erroneous we may deem their opinions . In an age like the present , whatever of good may be contained in the systems that have
been passed briefly under review , will not be lost ; tho criticisms of their authors upon present society may be useful in drawing the attention of legislators to many errors and abuses , the dust and cobwebs of the past ; and their visions of the future may suggest many modifications applicable to the moral , mental , and material wants of the present generation . We dive for pearln into the depths of the ocean , and descend for gold into the darksome mine ; and we shall not disdain lo search for truths among dreams of Utopia and foreshadowings of the Millennium . — Chambers' Papers for the People .
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302 © tie % Le abet * [ Saturday ,
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Tho . ro is no lcarnc d man but will confess he hath much profited b , v rending controversies , his senses awakened , and his judgment sharpened . If , then , it be profitable for him lo rend , why should it not , nt least , bo tolerable for his adversary to write . —JMI lion .
V Iry 4 J (Mmptt Dtvlttftitfl Wjlku Uuuuiuij*
( Djrra Cmntril .
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Leader (1850-1860), June 22, 1850, page 302, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1843/page/14/
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