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show , from various authorities , the defects in . the internal communications in India , and the deficiency of artificial irrigation , which alone , he thought , justified the interference of Parliament . A difference of opinion prevailed regarding the land assessment , and the mode in which it was levied . Some maintained that , the Government being , the landlord , this assessment was rent ; but he contended that , the Government having the power of arbitrarily fixing its amount and of enforcing its collection to the ruin of the cultivator , it was widely distinguished from what we called rent . After anticipating and answering the
objections which might be offered to his motion , Mr . Bright suggested that there was a precedent for it in 1822 , when a Royal Commission was appointed to enquire into the condition of the Cape of Good Hope , the Mauritius , and Ceylon , the commissioners being instructed to enquire into the tenures of land , the system of cultivation , &c . In conclusion , he drew the attention of the House to the enormous revenues at the disposal of the East India Company , who in fourteen years—from 1834 to 1847—had . collected a revenue of £ 316 , 000 , 000 sterling , or ( deducting interest for debt ) £ 20 , 000 , 000 a-year ; whilst the net revenue of Great Britain , exclusive of debt , was but
£ 25 , 000 , 000 . Sir John Hobhouse was deeply sensible of the importance of the question before them , and , if he thought the plan proposed by Mr . Bright would answer his object , he would say " Take your Royal Commission , and make the best use you can of it . " But no case had been made out . The select committee of 1848 , which was named by Mr . Bright , and of which he was chairman , did not recommend a Royal Commission , nor were the men of Manchester
at all unanimous in its favour , as was evident from the fact that the Manchester Commercial Association doubted the expediency of it . The great question with regard to India is , why British capital and enterprise have not been applied to the cultivation of cotton as well as to opium , indigo , and sugar ? Upon this point the committee of 1848 did not agree . From a firm conviction that there was no ground whatever for the motion , he urged Mr . Bright not to press it to a division .
The motion was supported b y Sir T . Colebrooke , who thought that a Commission would be highly serviceable if composed of the Company ' s servants ; by Mr . George Thompson , who contended that , if indigo , opium , and sugar had succeeded under European management in India , there could be no natural impediment to the improved cultivation of cotton ; and by Mr . Patten , who thought the want of internal communication was the great impediment to the investment of capital in the cultivation of cotton in India .
Sir James Hogg , in opposing the motion , said there was nothing to hinder the gentlemen of Manchester from sending out a commission of their own to India , or establishing a local European agency in the cotton districts . The motion was opposed also by Mr . Newdegate and Mr . Mangles . After a brief reply from Mr . Bright , who said he was satisfied with the discussion which his motion had elicited , the motion was negatived without a division .
Ministers suffered another defeat in the House of Lords , on Tuesday evening , on the third reading of the Irish Encumbered Estates Bill . The Marquis of Westmeath proposed a clause restraining the commissioners from selling any estate for less than fifteen years' purchase , save ( as was provided by an amendment to the clause ) with the owner's consent . Lord Carlisle , on the part of Government , opposed the clauee ; but the House adopted it by a majority of 32 to 30 .
The Sunday Labour question was slightly ventilated in the House of Commons on Tuesday , by Mr . Forster , who moved for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the prohibition of the transmission of letters on Sunday , otherwise than through the Post-office . The motion was seconded by Colonel Thompson , who said the late decision of the House would cause an indignant reaction throughout the nation . Sir Charles Wood and Lord John Russell both expressed their regret at the late decision as contrary to the precepts of religion , but were unwilling to see that vote overturned by a side wind . After a short discussion the motion was negatived without a division .
The second reading of the School Establishments ( Scotland ) Bill was moved by Lord Melgund , who showed that two-fifths of the whole juvenile populalation in Scotland are uneducated . The system which he wished to establish was one of secular education , supported by local funds and under popular control . The plan embodied in the bill proceeded , with some trifling alteration , upon the old territorial system of Scotland , with this difference that it proposed to abolish all tests , save in matters of competency , in respect of schoolmasters . The injurious effects of the existing tests were well illustrated by the fact that , three or four years since , not loss than fifty or sixty schoolmasters were removed from the schools of Scotland , solely because they avowed themselves favourable to the Free Church . With
respect to the expense of carrying out his plan , he did not think it would be so great as many persons might at first suppose . Considering , however , the present deficient state of education , and the great extent to which crime prevailed , he thought they would be doing an act of injustice if they did not compel the wealth of Scotland to contribute a little more largely than it did at present to the promotion of education among the lower classes .
Sir George Clerk strongly opposed the motion , and characterized Lord Melgund's bill as an insidious attempt to separate religious from secular education . He thought the present system had worked well . It had gained for Scotland the character of being a moral , religious , and well-educated people , and , therefore , he thought it ought not to be rashly interfered with . Mr . Fergus and Mr . M'Gregor both supported
the bill . Mr . Fox Maule was strongly in favour of the principle on which it was founded . Looking to the state of things in Scotland as regarded education , he saw clearly that ' unless there was timely interference by the State , there would be a more dangerous interference by the people . " Mr . Cumming Bruce and Mr . Oswald opposed the bill , the latter because it would give too much power to Government ; the former because it would hand over the education of Scotland to the Free Church .
The House having divided the numbers were—For the second reading :, 94 ; for the amendment , 100 Majority , 6 . The bill was consequently lost . The second reading of the Friendly Societies Bill was moved by Mr . Sotheron , who characterized the measure as of great importance to the working classes : " The number of friendly societies enrolled and registered under acts of Parliament in England amounts to nearly 14 , 000 ; the number of members of those societies is 1 , 600 , 000 ; their annual income amounted to £ 2 , 800 , 000 ; and their accumulated capital to £ 6 , 400 , 000 . The total
number of societies in England , Wales , Scotland , and Ireland is not less than 33 , 232 , and the aggregate of members which they include amounts to 3 , 032 , 000 . The annual levenue of these societies is £ 4 , 980 , 000 , and the accumulated capital from the savings of these poor persons amounts to no less a sum than . £ 11 , 360 , 000 . ( Hear . ) According to the last census , the male population of the country above the age of twenty years is only 6 , 300 , 000 . It follows , therefore , that one out of two of the male population , according to these returns , is either enrolled or in some way or other interested in benefit and friendly societies . The subject , therefore , is one of great interest and importance to this numerous class . "
From the statement made , it appears that the bill embodies two important points ; it embodies and consolidates the existing law relative to enrolled friendly societies ; and it gives legal protection to that very large mass of societies which , at the present moment , justly complain that they are not allowed the common privilege of Englishmen , namely , that , if cheated or ill-treated , they may appeal to the laws of their country for protection and redress . Sir Charles Wood , Mr . Roebuck , Mr . Slaney , Mr . Adderley , Mr . Scrope , and Mr . Cockburn , all spoke in favour of the bill , which was read a second time , and ordered to be committed on Monday .
In reply to Mr . Roebuck ' s question , on Thureday evening , whether Government had adopted any special course in consequence of the resolution passed by the House of Lords , on Monday , Lord John Russell said he was prepared , if the House would allow him , to make a statement on the subject . He then read Lord Stanley ' s resolution , which we have already given , and began to discuss it , with a view to show why he could not give his support to it . His speech was , however , interrupted by
Mr . Disraeli , who rose to order . A question of the simplest character had been asked by Mr . Roebuck , and the noble lord , instead of answering it had entered upon a discussion of the proceedings in the House of Lords . He could assure the noble lord that neither he ( Mr . Disraeli ) nor those acting with him , had the slightest wish to evade discussion on this subject ; and if the noble lord had any wish for discussing it , the House was so completely under Government control that there could be no difficulty in fixing upon a fair and fitting opportunity for such a discussion : —
" And when I say that on this side of the house there is no disposition to evade or prevent the discussion—( Loud cries of « order ¦ , order , ' from the Liberal benches ) —I apprehend , sir , I am strictly in order ; I only wish to assure the noble lord that when I said there was no disposition on this side to evade or prevent the discussion—{ renewedcries of '* order , ' and cheersjromthe Protectionists )—! think it must be tho general feeling of this House that the discussion should be full , fair , and deliberate ; and I put it to the noble lord himself whether it is fair to the House that the discussion should come on in this sudden manner—is it likely to bn a full , / air , and deliberate discussion—( order , order ) ? I put it , therefore , to the noble lord whether , instcud of discussing the merits of this important question now , ho ought not to content himself with giving an answer to the question
that has been addressed to him—( Cheers from the Protectionists ) ? Lord John Russell said the question was , no doubt , a simple one , but it was also a general one . It was whether the Government will adopt any special . course of conduct in consequence of the resolution in the House of Lords . Now , he must either explain what course they intended to take , or remain
silent . ( Loud cries of •« Go on , from the Ministerialists . ) He would say , then , that Government would not in any respect alter the course of conduct they had thought it right to pursue with respect to foreign powers . ( Vociferous cheering on the Ministerial benches . ) The next question was , whether it was not the duty of Ministers after so decided a condemnation of their policy by the House of Lords , to resign the Government into the hands of those who would act
in accordance with the resolution passed . He was not prepared to recommend such a course , believing as he did that it would be contrary to the Constitution to place upon the House of Lords the weight and responsibility of controlling the Executive Government of this country would soon place the House of Lords in a position which they have not hitherto occupied , and which they could not safely maintain . (
Reneiced cheers . ) He would not deny that the carrying of that resolution was a matter of great importance , deeply affecting , as it did , our foreign relations ; but the remedy was clear and obvious , and Mr . Disraeli had been aware of what was going on in the House of Lords ; if he had given notice of a similar motion in the House of Commons , it would have decided on the merits of it , and if its decision had been the same as that of the House of Lords the course of
Government would have been clear : — ' But , sir , there is a fair and honourable interpretation of the conduct of the honourable gentleman , and those who act with him ; if they had believed in the soundness and the policy of the resolution that I have read , they would no doubt have found it their duty to bring forward that resolution in this House , in which , besides its being the House where all administration of the Crown is controlled and advised , there is this obvious advantage , that in this House sits the Minister who is charged with the affairs of that department . ( Loud cheers . ) But , sir , as I have said , there is an honourable
explanation of such conduct , and such explanation no doubt is , that those who share the general political opinions of the noble lord whom I have mentioned , do not share in the views he has taken with regard to the affairs of Greece . ( Hear , hear . ) I say , if they had agreed with , him , there would have been no excuse for not allowing my noble friend to make in this House a defence ; ( cheers ;) but if that be the case , I can only say we shall continue in the course we have hitherto followed with respect to our foreign policy . ( Cheers . ) If the honourable and learned gentlemen , as he intimated yesterday , wishes to make any motion on the subject , he shall have the earliest
possible opportunity the Government can give for that purpose . ( Cheers . ) But , sir , so long as we continue the Government of this country , I can answer for my noble friend that he will act not as the Minister of Austria—( cheers ) , —or as the Minister of Russia—( loud cheers ) , — - or of France—( renewed cheers ) , — or of any other country , but as the Minister of England —( loud cheers ) . The honour of England , and the interests of England , are tho matters within our keeping—( cheers ) ;—and to those interests , and to that honour , our conduct in future will beas hitherto it has been—devoted . ( Loud cheers , amidst which the noble lord resumed his seat . )
Mr . Disraeli denied that his not bringing forward a motion on the subject was from any want of confidence in the case he could present . When the proper occasion came he would be prepared to uphold the decision of the House of Lords . Mr . Roebuck differed in some degree from Lord John Russell . He agreed with him that a mere resolution of the House of Lords was not of itself a reason for Ministers resigning ; but an administration which had been thus censured by the House of Lords was bound not to shrink from an appeal to the House of Commons : —
" Because I believe the Administration is entirely crippled as it now stands , and that the dignity of England cannot be maintained in the present condition of her Majesty ' s servants , I will learn what is the feeling of the House of Commons . ( Hear , hear . ) As I agree in the policy which has been laid down by the noble lord at the head of Foreign Affairs in this country , I will test the opinion of the House . ( Hear , hear . ) We will see if we can find a verdict of this House in his favour , and leave it clearly and distinctly for the world to know if her Majesty ' s Government has the confidence of the people of England . I beg to give notice that I shall move the following resolution to-morrow : —
" Thut the principles which hitherto have regulated the foreign policy of hur Majesty ' s Government aro such as were roquirctl to preserve untarnished the honour and dignity of this country , and in times of unexampled difficulty the boBt qualified to maintain pence between England and the various nations of the world . " { Hear , hear . ) Mr . Disraeli suggested that Monday should be tho day . He was sure the noble lord did not wish to take House by surprise . It was then agreed that the motion , should take plticc on Monday . The Factories Bill was read a third time , after a coarse attack upon Mr . Bright , in his absence , by Mr . Feaugus O Coxnor . Tho Mercantile Marino Bill was read a second time and committed pro forma *
Untitled Article
June 22 , 1850 . ] CftS & £ && £ ? + 291 i
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), June 22, 1850, page 291, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1843/page/3/
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