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  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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    THE GREAT PALAVER OF THE WEEK . Now the grand , momentous , tedious debate of the week shows the grievous injury sustained by the nation , while the popular party is in a state of suspended doctrine . For such is its condition . Triviality ruled triumphant . Effete Radicalismits mission performed , its function run out as completely as that of the butterfly that has laid its string of eggs , and has only to die—was playing into the hands of effete Whiggism , and trying to get up a long pretence of talk which should

    virtually serve to hush up the question at issue . The only party possessing any sort of strength , in purpose or impetus , was that which has a doctrine , one , substantive , and consentaneous—the " country party . " The doctrine is foolish , refuted , and retrograde , therefore impracticable ; but it is to its votaries a something to be done , and they set to work with united action . They can cause a movement in the national council ; the Peel party holds a sort of reserved balance ; but the party " in power , " as the phrase goes , and the popular party , —what did they do but trifle and pretend to act ?

    The whole movement of the Minister-infatuated Radicals was a pretence , with personal objects . Look at the very occasion and gist of it . The Lords had pronounced the policy of Lord Palmerston in Greece to be mischievous , and had expressed regret . Now , almost every one who knows anything about the matter knows . that the course in Greece was ridiculous . Lord Palmerston ' s enemies are solemnly delighted ; his friends sigh , and manfully declare that he is the best foreign Minister we have ; and they , greatly daring , avow

    that they will answer the Lords . Like the redoubted Knights of the Serpent in the History of Amadis de Gaul , outride three champions strangely liveried for that occasion—Mr . Roebuck , with his vote of approval " on the whole "; Mr . Anstey , with his specific amendment to fix the approval on Greece in particular ; and Mr . Hume , —" the sturdy veteran weak in his decline "—to vote " confidence" in Ministers . The worthy men " in power" are alarmed at this too much help : Anstey is chased away , Hume is called off ; and the more tractable Roebuck is left to perform his spiriting

    gently . To work he set , asking the Commons to record approval of our foreign policy , for the sake of its " principles "—which are peace and freedomand for the sake of its achievements . Mr . Roebuck deprecated the analytical enquiries into the details of Don David Pacifico ' s inventory , his fine sheets and splendid sofas , his warming-pans and crockery ware , as points too small and vulgar for statesman ' s contemplation ; but he forgets that these

    things had engaged Lord Palmerston ' most grave and imperial attention ; had been the subjects of his " spirited" claims , backed by the English fleet and much John Bull eloquence . Mr . Roebuck forgot also that this very inventory formed the most recent and most notable of Lord Palmerston ' s achievements . In vindicating Don David Pacifico ' s pots and pans he succeeded ; on other grounds which the exalted Roebuck prefers to traverse , his client ' s successes are less apparent .

    It is not for what he did in Don David ' s casefor Heaven ' sake , " sink the offal !"—but for what he has done on behalf of peace and freedom that Mr . Roebuck claims a first-class certificate for his client . Now here is the difficulty . Lord Palmerston , it is true , for ever has the strain of peace and freedom—pleasing words !—in his mouth ; but judge him by his achievements , and what is to be his sentence , —what can be his " principles" ? He seems to read the volume of Liberty , as witches read the Bible , backwards ; and the words of blessing , thus inverted , end in the visitation of calamities . He professes to serve peace in Sicily , and

    he frustrates the revolution , riveting the tyranny of Ferdinand . He sends his emissary , Lord Minto , to proclaim peace and freedom throughout Italy , and the steps of that prophetic vision are marked in blood and oppression . He "teaches " Spain how to behave in matters of administration and electoral constitution , and his usher in that unwilling school is kicked out . He speaks peace in Switzerland , and foments civil war . He holds out the right hand of fellowship to France , and

    places in it , like a mischievous boy , the insulting " cracker" of the Piraeus blockade . He protects King Otho , and studiously insults him . In the arbitrary claims on Greece * for territorial trifles , he puts free England , and the liberty she asks , in the wrong . For Hungary he speaks spiritedly , but he does nothing to help the understanding between the peoples of Europe which might really have made them stronger than the Crowns con-Palmerston

    spiring to put down Liberty . Lord takes up arms for freedom as Francis of Calabria did—to lay them down before Austria—and to let his trusting allies go to sleep . His policy is unintelligible—and if it is capable of explanation : by any feat of transcendental refinement , even that explanation is withheld ; while his prudence is wrapped in diplomatic secresy or unmeaning professions of Liberty-love addressed "to Bunkum . " How could the Commons approve of what is

    essentially unintelligible ? But how could they condemn ? Lord Palmerston and his colleagues usurp the power of the nation to carry out their unmeaning and unintelligible something which stands for a policy—a phrase of liberty that ends in Spielberg or Capri , a word of peace that ends in blood . But what other policy was there to make the usurper abdicate , and resume for the people the seat of power ? None . The people itself has , at present , no policy . has done its

    The Radical policy is exhausted—it work , and there is no more where that came from . The Charter did not fit the day , and it is shelved . There is a glimpse of an ulterior policy , but only as yet intellectually dawning on the many . Suffrage the people has not ; and therefore , having neither a vote to place its men in Parliament , nor a doctrine to possess the minds of those elected by others , the poor people has neither place , nor proxy , nor voice , nor influence in the Grand Council . From " the Council of the Nation" the Nation is absent ;

    and while that dread cat is away the mice are at their little sports—fighting their mimic fights , and charging each other in harmless onslaughts . Here is the secret of the huge debate . It had some grave men and solid intellects , some witty speakers and " brilliant" debaters ; but its subject was a solemn trifling , it had to decide on the crimes of triflers ; and it was reduced to that melancholy idle pastime , because there is never a party with a living doctrine to take its stand in the Council of the Nation , and give to the immense strength of this proud and wise country something worthy of it to do .

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    THE SABBATH RECONCILED . Although we do not share the prejudices of some contemporaries against all measures to facilitate the cessation of labour on Sundays , we cannot deny the universal complaints at the conduct of Ministers . We cannot contradict the assertion of one most respectable journal , that the step was characterized by bad faith ; nor the complaint of the Anti-Sabbatarians , that they have been betrayed by a Ministry acting against its pledges and its conscience ; nor of the Sabbatarians , that they are

    mocked with a traitorous aid ; nor the charge of independent men , that a most meritorious department has been sacrificed ; nor the outcry of the trading world , that its interests have been ruinously thrown aside ; nor the louder outcry of the public at large , that all their domestic arrangements , their family correspondence , their weekly papers , have been disturbed and quashed ; nor will we hold back Irom joining in the accusations of our fellow-journalists , that their interests have been outraged , their revenue invaded , and their property injured , in the wantonness of a selfish trickery .

    The measure is wholly unsupported by any serious plea , as it is carried out it cannot be justified even in the eyes of its conscientious advocates . It is warranted by no impulse of conscience . Ministers themselves disapprove of it . By no formal necessity—it has been shown that when Lord John pleaded the routine of addresses to the Crown , he prevaricated . By no expectation of its success—it is carried out in the hope of its official stepfathers

    that it may not succeed . By no auxiliary mea sures to mitigate its inconvenience—they are purposely withheld , in order that the public , much incommoded , may be more exasperated . Lord Joni Russell has taken a perverse and spiteful advantagi of Lord Ashley ' s casual victory ; Lord Jonnmighi have prevented that victory by requiring commoi diligence in his party supporters ; he might hav < neutralized it bv returning a generahzed _ answei

    from the Crown ; he might have promote -I its man object consistently with the public convenience but he has resorted to a trick . It is the trick o : Clown in the pantomime , who pretends to protec Pantaloon by resisting some indignant stranger and then suddenly stepping aside , lets the indignant stranger and Pantaloon dash each other i brains out in an unexpected collision—Pantaloon being the pensive public . And while Pantaloon roars out that he is hurt , the motley Ulysses peacocks his pigeon-toed presence to the world , and wags his head at the audience as if his mischievous cunning were the climax of human wisdom .

    If the measure had been adopted in good faithaccepted even reluctantly , but still honestly—it would have been furthered in a very different manner . Numberless auxiliary methods would have been used to make it work well . We will venture to say that , if Ministers had announced that they felt compelled to admit the measure ; that six , or even three months hence , the new rule must begin ; and

    if in the interval they had requested from Rowland Hill the draught of a scheme for carrying it out , that ingenious man—ingenious , but honest , for his intellect alone , to say nothing of his heart , is of too high a standard for Clown strategy—would have furnished a scheme complete in all its parts to miti gate the public inconvenience . On the spur of the moment we will not venture upon suggestions ; but

    we do not fear well-informed contradiction when we say , that in many places—in most places within a certain distance of London—by an earlier despatch of mails on the Saturday—harmoniously with an earlier closing of Stock Exchange , of banks , of factories , &c , and by improved arrangements in provincial towns of a second or lower to the de

    order—it would be quite possible secure - livery of letters on Saturday night . In other cases , where the arrival is late on the Sunday , it would be no great grievance were the delivery delayed to an early hour on Monday morning . In such ways the worldly and commercial inconvenience would have been minimized , while the moral and physical advantages of securing the day to rest would have

    been attained . . But the same object might be attained in other ways , without any compulsory measure or com < plicated arrangements . We sympathize with those who desire some public measure that shall supply—not the will to consecrate the seventh day to relaxation or contemplation , according to the mood or necessity of the individual , for the will , we believe , exists pretty generally—but the sign that shall impart accord to the general inclination , and be the practical beginning in the needful arrangements . While we would facilitate the wish of great numbers to make some arrangement that should

    protect the seventh day against compulsory labour , we deprecate the compulsory relaxation even of a minority . The demands for labour on the seventh day range themselves under two classes—works of necessity or charity , and the ministering to relaxation . The Post-office is needed for the conveyance of letters on momentous or pressing business , of messages from the sick to relatives at a distance , and the like ; the chemist must supply medicines for cases of emergency ; the inn , the steam-boat , the omnibus , must serve the holiday maker whose only day of recreation is that seventh , and the restoration of whose spirit depends upon that

    weekly revisiting of nature , in its open air , its enjoyments , or its affections . # # The object then is to supply the one initial measure which shall impart a general inclination of social arrangements towards a sparing of needless labour on the seventh day , and yet shall leave perfect freedom for works of necessity or relaxation . That may be reajlily effected in two ways , which seem paradoxical , but will be readily perceived to be congenial , being suited severally to the different conditions of public and private service . In both the object is to protect the labour against needless demands , or against compulsion .

    In the case of public labour , which is always at its post , and is to be spared by operating on the person served , the protection is easily afforded in the shape of a tax . Let a slight tax be imposed on the letters delivered or received during the Sunday ,

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    There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law or its creation m its eternal progress . —Dr . Arnold .

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    « p SATURDAY , JUNE 29 , 1850 .

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    June 29 , 1850 . ] Gt ) * & £ && **? a 23

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), June 29, 1850, page 323, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1844/page/11/