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I hold to Scripture , as an immediate source of knowledge , more than to Nature , because I deem it equally divine , and much more easy of access to common understandings . I do not cling to special creeds , confessions , or theologies , but to the Word of God itself , as a true revelation : I do not cling to special systems of astrology or Ptolomean explanations of the heavens , but to the sidereal universe and visible Creations .
There may be many truths in special creeds and doctrines of theology , as there were many mathematical verities in the Ptolomeian system of astronomy ; but I believe appearances have led the mind astray on fundamental facts in many instances . I believe there is but one universal Good and no Evil ; one God and no Devil , in the highest acceptation of these words . The spiritual world revolves around one spiritual sun , just as the natural world revolves around one central orb . It is , however , quite legitimate to say , in harmony with ocular and auricular appearances , " the sun rises in the east and sets in the west ; God is good and Satan evil . " The understanding , properly enlightened , will correct inversions of reality in the phenomenal display of appearances , before the senses .
The systems of theology and creeds as they now stand , are based upon the literal appearances of Scripture , as the Ptolomean system of astronomy was based upon the natural appearances of the heavens . The Devil seems to be more powerful than God in the literal economy of Scripture ; Hell more universal and overpowering than Heaven . Such is not the case . There is but one God , one law , one providence ; one spiritual sun of the spiritual universe . Light and darkness—good and evil are as light and darkness in the revolutions of our planet .
I will not touch upon the parallel of natural and spiritual solar systems in the providential unity of the universe . These questions are too abstruse for newspaper dissertations . My chief object here is to call the attention of your readers to the danger of preconceived opinions or the conceits of conscience , as substitutes for faith in the critical study of Nature and of Scripture . We may reject Ptolomean systems of astronomy without denying Nature ; Roman , or Greek , or Anglican systems of theology , without denying Scripture .
The Wollston theory of criticism adopted by Strauss and Newman is a very defective theory . I call it the Wollston theory because Thomas Wollston ' s dissertation on the miracles is the first book I read on that method , and , I think , the best . The method may , however , not be entirely of Wollston ' s invention . It is well to know that the numerous books of Scripture are not regularly brought together , and that some editorial confusion has been introduced into the Bible by placing under one head revelations made by different men , as in the Pentateuch attributed to Moses ; but that is not a spiritual question : it is a question of collecting , editing , labelling , and binding . When this editorial question has been settled , and
the various defects of literal and logical discrepancy made evident , then comes the question of prophecy and revelation ; the real power and meaning of the Word of God , the basis of religion . Did angels ever speak to prophets in the name of God ? If not , were prophets otherwise sufficiently inspired with truth to build up faith in men , and constitute the churches ? Is religion a necessary part of man ' s nature , a natural part of society ? and if so , what is the true basis of religion ? Could any modern man of science make a new religion without any help from Scripture ? Would a new revelation from Heaven prove the falsehood of the present Scriptures , otherwise than the present animal creation proves the non-existence of antedeluvian fossils ?
Is a new scheme of theology tantamount to a new religion ? or merely to a new doctrinal science ? Is there no difference between doctrine and devotion ? May not any church be good for devotion , though fanatical in doctrine ? May not devotional religion thrive as doctrinal religion wanes ? and may not higher doctrines of theology spring from one same revelation as higher views of science spring from deeper studies of one same creation ? These are suggestive questions , meant to bring forth their own answers in the reader ' s mind , without involving wordy disputations .
I will not here enlarge upon the growth of science . There is a want of higher truths in natural and spiritual doctrine , and this want is baulked by men ' s conceits usurping in the mind the throne of faith . The soul of man is dark to doctors of divinity ; the body is a mystery to doctors of physiology , for want of faith in Providence and common sense .
I do not speak irreverently of priests , philosophers , and men of science . They have done all they could , and arc continually labouring for good . I merely ¦ wish to indicate one cause of error in the temper of the mind . I have found the highest views of physiology where doctors generally deign not to observe , because , forsooth , some foolish theories have been derived from hypothetical descriptions of the " vital principle . ' The living fact has been rejected with unsound theories . I have also found the highest > visdom where philosophers refuse to look , because , forsooth , some foolish doctrines have been drawn from
certa in texts of Scripture . The living facts of revelation have been thrown away , with the discrepancies of literal and logical agglomeration . That is what I wish to say to those who are in search of a new faith and a new doctrine . The very highest doctrines of religious truth and worldly wisdom are given in the Scriptures . The deepest studies of Nature and society , corroborate , without surpassing them . No modern science can surpass the wisdom of the first divine injunction : " Be fruitful and multiply , and replenish the earth , and subdue it . " That is the first law of progress . The
earth must be replenished before it can possibly be subdued ; it must be subdued , before man can be happy , or society at peace . Those who are seemingly unjust , are often more obedient to this law of necessity than those who rail against injustice . Conquering races which monopolize the land and force their slaves either to cultivate it , or move into other lands in search of freedom , are more useful to humanity than roaming savages , who neither occupy nor cultivate the earth . The present policy of
England would be wiser in maintaining the monopoly of land and privilege to force the working population to replenish and subdue the earth , now lying waste in foreign climes , than in returning to the common right of property in land , which is the final law of justice in society . The latter policy would tend to equalize men ' s fortunes for a time , without preventing population from out-growing territory ; the necessity of emigration would be thus deferred , but not diminished .
England will improve internally , I doubt not , but she must extend herself externally , as well . There is no help for it . The aristocracy will drive the landless people over the sea , to seek for liberty and labour in our colonies or in America . The Saxon race is not a match for Norman blood , in military and political audacity and enterprize , though probably superior in mercantile and mechanical ingenuity . The farmers who have anything to lose at present , should sell their stock and emigrate before free trade and heavy rents have ruined them . Protectionists
will only lull them with false hopes of retrograde reform , until the rents have swallowed up the farmers ' stock , and then employ their tenants as farm bailiffs . The farmers should migrate at once in numbers , and buy land where land is cheap , before they come to poverty at home . Working men who pant for liberty should do the same . They cannot hope for freedom in this country . Property and labour may contend for mastery , but property will gain the day . Everything is in its favour ; prejudice and social habits , military force and law .
The conquered races of this country who prefer social slavery at home , to liberty abroad , are fit for their position , and should cling to it ; but those who cannot brook poverty and labouring dependency with temper and goodwill , should emigrate to other climes . They would be following the law of God more strictly than by spiritlessly remaining here . The Norman race will drive the Saxon and the Celtic o ' er the sea , from sheer necessity , and do a holy work withal , unless the latter show more spirit than they have done hitherto , and force the Norman race to share the difficulties and the burdens of colonial settlements . Hugh Doheutv .
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RIGHTS : RIGHT OF THE SUFFRAGE . Juno 23 , 1850 . Sir , —Your correspondent P ., in your paper of the 15 th inst . asserts that the suffrage is " the absolute natural right of every sound-minded adult man . " I am an advocate for a large extension of the suffrage , and am not much alarmed at the idea even of universal suffrage ; and as the suffrage question must soon occupy a prominent place in the public mind , I am anxious to see it put on its true basis , which it is very far from being in such dogmata as that quoted above .
To sift thoroughly the question of rights we must first determine what a right is . I hope P . and those who think with him will agree with me in defining a right as " that which it would be wrong in those who have the power to take or withhold from any one . " If they agree to this it must be observed that we have only shifted the question a step back , for we must immediately settle how we are to determine what is wrong in such cases . By what standard of right and wrong , morally or politically , can it be shown that I , who may have the power , am doing wrong in not endeavouring to get the privilege of voting for all my unenfranchised brethren . Is it the
law of God on which the right to the suffrage rests ? Then let the passage in the Scriptures on which it rests be pointed out . I have not hitherto been able to discover any such injunction in Holy Writ , nor anything from which such an injunction can be drawn . The most that I can find there bearing on such questions is the general command to do the best you can to promote the welfare of your fellowcreatures . Whether this should lend you to extend to them the suffrage or not is another question , left to be decided by men ' s judgment in the circumstances of the case . It may here bo observed also that it is essential to a system of political rights and
duties that it should be founded on universally recognised data , that its principles should be applicable amongst all men , being both easily understood and readily assented to by all . Hence it cannot be founded on any one system of religion ; for its object is to be a law or standard of reference even amongst men of different religions . . Again , is it the law of conscience or the inward , moral sense to which the upholders of the absolute adult to tne
natural right of every sound-minded suffrage , appeal ? The same remark may be made ot this as of the law of religion as a standard on such a subject . Our conscience is no guide on the subject till it is informed by our judgment that such a right would be for the advantage of our fellow-men . li the principle of utility be your standard , still the same preliminary question has to be resolved by the judgment . The law of the land is silent on the Mibject . Public opinion is yet unformed upon it . You will search in vain for anv rule of right or wrong by
which to convince men that the suffrage should be extended to any class whatever , until you have previously shown that it is for the advantage both of that class and the community at large . # It is asserted that the suffrage is an absolute right . Why , even the right to life is not absolute . The laws of God and man , and the consciences ^ and usages of mankind in every age sanction the taking away of life , when it is considered to be for the interests of the community . If even that greatest and most sacred of all rights is subject to qualification , on what grounds can the suffrage be termed an absolute right ? It is called a " natural" right . This is a singular assertion . If there is such a natural right , in what stage of society does it exist ? Is it born with us ? Then it must have existed before the circumstances
which develope it—before its parent—the representative system . Is it coeval with the representative system ? Then it must have existed for ages before it was known or felt ; for assuredly the founders of that system , and millions of Gurths and Wambas who lived then and since > had not the most faint conception of any such universal right . When , for ages , it is not claimed , nor felt , nor dreamed of by the people themselves , nor by any for them , surely it cannot , in any proper sense of the term , be called an absolute natural right . is the limi
Again , if it be a natural right , whence - tation to sound-minded adult men derived ? Why is it denied to females , young persons , &c . ? On what possible ground can it be shown that every man has a right to a voice in the election of those who are to make laws for him , and that every woman , even unmarried female householders , many of whom are highly intelligent , heavily taxed , and perform useful service to society as schoolmistresses , &c , shall be denied such voice ? It may have been inexpedient , or not thought of hitherto , to confer votes on women ; but a more glaring inconsistency than for the upholders of the doctrine that the suffrage is an absolute natural right , to exclude females , is not to be found .
The truth is , as laid down half a century since by an eminent political writer , " The moment you abate anything from the full rights of men , each to govern himself , and suffer any artificial positive limitation upon those rights , from that moment the whole organization of government becomes a consideration of convenience . " Would P . advise the Sultan , the Czar , the Queen of Otaheite , or the Hottentot chiefs of Africa to establish universal suffrage ? Ought Alfred , Cromwell , William III ., Walpolo , Pitt , Grey to have done so ? When did universal suffrage begin to be a right ? and why ? Where is it a right now ? Why not everywhere ?
Sir , this letter has been devoted to the ungracious task of opposing and pulling down . Will you allow me a few lines in your next , when I hope to be able to show the real basis and extent of rights , and the true methods of proceeding in the assertion of them . Yours , &c , 11 . R .
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UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE . Exeter , June 25 , 1850 . Sir , —I know not whether a clergyman , and one who holds opinions on many points diametrically opposed to those of your principal contributors , is likely to obtain any hearing within your circle . If , however , I have underrated your moral courage and impartiality , then allow me thus publicly to express my Konso of the remarkable talent , and above all the honesty , which seem to me to be characteristic of your Leader . I do not write , however , for the sake of paying compliments . My particular object , on the present
occasion , is to say a Jew words concerning universal suffrage , the justice or impropriety of which appears to have become a question betwixt certain of your correspondents . The two last who have written on the subjfflt , P . and C . F . N ., appear to be both possessed with the notion that universal Huffrago is the unalicnablc riyht of every man ; one of them sayp , of every man and woman . Will you then allo \* me to mention certain reasons for which I believe the suffrage to be no right at all , but simply a privilege ; and will you further allow me to say why I am convinced that universal suffrage must establish the
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June 29 , 1850 . ] Htf ) * & * && *?? 327
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Leader (1850-1860), June 29, 1850, page 327, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1844/page/15/
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