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    July 13 , 1850 . ] ® t ) e &tat * tt . 3 **

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    The Paris papers of Thursday are altogether occupied with the resolution of the Assembly making it obligatory on newspaper writers to sign their articles . The outcry of the journals against such a system is general , and it is thought that the Government will either withdraw the bill for restricting the press , or that it will be thrown out ou the final vote . M . Thiers , one of the seventeen who counselled and prepared the electoral law , and supported it with no little danger to himself during its stormy passage through the Assembly , will be struck off the list of electors , because the house he occupied was rented in the name of his fathfi-in-law M . Dosne , and M . Dosne being dead scarcely : i year , M . Thiers is not considered a householder or a taxpayer for more than that period .

    The Spanish Government has received intelligence that the Carlists intend making some seditious movement on the very day of the Queen ' s delivery , and with this view have purchased a great number of sword-sticks and poni ards ; and in order to put an end to this dangerous 11 : iflie , the police have seized all arms of such a description remaining in the shops . The utmost care has been taken to preserve tranquillity , and any attempt to disturb it will be very severely punished . ' . Letters from Copenhagen state that the King of Denmark was present at a popular festival on tim arrival of the steamer with the information of the t-onclusion of peace with Germany . His Majesty immediatel y announced the fact to the assembled multitude , ' 3 whom it was received with loud rejoicings . The (' "lH-nhagen journals assert that the Russian fleet in the iJtnish seas has upwards of 7000 soldiers on board .

    1 lie Congress of the Zollverein , at Cassel , was opened <»» the 6 th inst . Every state of the Zollverein has sent representatives .

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    SMOULDERING FIRES IN EUROPE . The present disastrous state of things in Europe , which is called * ' peace , " is to be ascribed to the Government of England , to its influence and its weight , to the imposing attitude it assumed in the last misunderstandings between Turkey and the Russian and Austrian Cabinets . Insofar as the Eastern question is concerned , orthe unfounded claims of the two *• Christian" powers connected

    with it , this opinion is certainly right ; but it must not be forgotten that since 1848 the Turkish question , considered in itself , and judged by its own merits , with regard to the grand and Universal political question of Europe , has windled down to one of secondary importance , the solution of which must be necessarily postponed . Nicholas has already prepared , and is still busily gathering numerous materials for future interference . Moldavia and i ]

    Valachia submit to his rule ; Serbia and Montenero are to him more than faithful alliesj Bosnia and Bulgaria get every day m -re into the habit of beholding in him a guardian and protector ; and none but the Czar ' s emissaries have been the authors of the late disturbances in the two last provinces . Turkey , indeed , has for the present succeeded in easily putting them down ; for it is to be noticed that these movements were only local , disconnected , without a common direction , or any public and avowed support from Ruaein ; in a word , that they were got up for the purpose lather s ] 1 i i ] t i ( ] \

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    the establishment were engaged , the name of Madame Pasta being added to the list ; the object of the performance being to add something to the funds for assisting the Italian exiles now in this country . The house , though not crowded , was well attended , and a considerable sum was no doubt realised . Madame Pasta experienced an enthusiastic reception . She was encored in the duet , " Questo cor ti giuraamore , " from Rossini ' s Demetrio e Polibio , with Mile . Parodi , besides which she sang Pacini ' s aria , " I tuoi frequenti palpiti , " which was also much applauded .

    Daniel Donovan , a blacksmith , who was tried at the Central Criminal Court , yesterday , for throwing his wife over a window , was found guilty , and sentence of death was recorded against him . Just before the rising of the court it was stated that Donovan had destroyed himself in the gaol . It appears that he was placed in the cell appropriated for the reception of prisoners after trial , and was visited several times by the officer of the prison . About three o ' clock , however , upon going to him for that purpose , he discovered that the prisoner had hanged himself . He had tied his handkerchief to an iron bar , and had thrown himself off the seat in the cell , and when he was discovered he was quite dead .

    At the Central Criminal Court yesterday morning , Walter " Watts was placed at the bar to receive the judgment of the court . Baron Alderson , in passing sentence , said that the prisoner had been tried at the May sessions of this court before himself and his brother Cresswell , for the offence of robbing to a very great extent the Globe Assurance Company , and a point of law had been reserved for consideration by the Court of Criminal Appeal . The count upon which the jury had found him guilty apparently referred to a very trifling offence , namely , stealing a piece of paper , that piece of paper , however , being in fact a cheque . The point that was reserved had since been fully argued , and the court had

    decided it against him . The offence upon the face of the record appeared to be a very trifling one , bat it was perfectly clear that the act of taking the piece of paper involved an offence of a very serious character ; and that the object of taking away this cheque was to prevent a discovery that he had misappropriated the money which that cheque represented , and that , in point of fact , he had stolen a sum of £ 1400 upon this one occasion , and it was very probable that upon other occasions he had stolen a great deal more . The court would , therefore , pass sentence upon him for

    what he had really done , and not for the particular offence as it appeared upon record . It appeared quite clear that this cheque was either forged—indeed this was most probable—or else that he had stolen a genuine cheque and feloniously appropriated the proceeds to his own use ; and the object of stealing the piece of paper or cheque afterwards was to prevent discovery . In either of the cases he had suggested , the prisoner was guilty of a very heavy and serious offence . The prisoner was then sentenced to be transported for ten years . It was stated that the amount of the actual defalcations of the prisoner was £ 80 , 000 .

    The preparations made for the prosecution of the prisoners charged with the murder of Mr . iVlauleverer , at the Armagu assizes , aie of a most formidable character . The Attorney-General , aided by half-a-dozen other able counsel , are there for the purpose . It is intimated that some evidence which has not yet oozed out in any shape , before the magistrates or otherwise , will be produced , ; md it is added that the crown seem resolved on obtaining a conviction . There are three prisoners to be tried for the offence , one of them being the carman who drove Mr . Mauleverer .

    A most serious charge is at present pending against Mr Smith , of Castlcfergus , a magistrate of this county Informations having been sworn against that gentleman for originating and planning a conspiracy to shoot his own mother , a warrant was issued ( or his arrest , and placed in the hands of Mr . J . W . Kelly , SI ., who accordingly took him into custody , and brought him before the magistrates , who were engaged for some time in investigating the charge , but did not come to any definite conclusion on the subject . —Clare Journal .

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    There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation m its eternal progress . —Dr . Arnold .

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    PERSONAL INFLUENCE IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS . "Db mortuis nil nisi bonum , " is a good maxim" say nothing but good of the dead ; " but we do not see why you should say anything worse of the living than you would of the dead . It is when the Duke of Cambridge dies that we discover all his merits , as an active promoter of charities , a read y > effective as well as ornamental manager , an honest hearty fellow who obeyed Carlyle ' s canon , and did the work that lay before him , according to his ability ; and very well he did it . It is after Peel ' s death that all parties become unanimous in admitting his great faculties , high ambition , and patriotic purpose . Better late than never ; but why wait so long ? We treat the manly acknowledgment of merit as insurance offices treat the holder of a life policy , and pay the due only on proof of death ; as if our capacity for anatomizing character were so partial that we must await a post-mortem examination before we could trust our judgment . A noble and learned Lord , of exhaustless ingenuity and vivacity , is understood to have committed the common insurance fraud , by pretending death , in order to receive the proceeds for his living enjoyment . But everybody is not so greedy or so cunning . Yet there is no valid motive for keeping back the tribute . All the materials for the estimate of Peel ' s character were available before his death : the very eulogies upon him , delivered in both Houses of Parliament last week , were based upon his acts while living : why then keep the due acknowledgment back until after his death ? We can think of only two reasons for the reservation . One is , that factions find it necessary to oppose individuals who personate opinions adverse to those factions . Of course it is not necessary to withhold due recognition of merit in such individual , because a powerful party can always couple the resistance of opinions antagonistic to its own with the amplest recognition of personal qualities . But weak or dishonest parlies , or parties standing arbitrarily on manifest injustice , against which mere humanity revolts , may find a temporary convenience in detracting from the repute of any adversary ; and , however fallacious any reliance on such a process must be , the mere want of effective strength for more legitimate contest will always drive those who are weak and low in spirit to quackish resorts . Protectionists are now admitting the exalted motives of " the traitor" : but his motives are not posthumous : they are the very motives that swayed him when he was called " traitor " —and basely so called , if men were able to discern what they now acknowledge . Whigs admit the aid they have received from his sufferance and his superiority to party : but why not do so when the tribute might have reached his ears , and might have been some set off against the false and dishonest charge of " treachery . " Perhaps the question is answered in some degree by the second reason for suspending the just tribute : there is a strange and not a manly reluctance to acknowledge personal influence . The reluctance originates partly in a jealous dislike to the favourable notice of personal qualities , partly in certain political dogmas against *' personality . " These things have deadened public feeling on such matters ; and it needs some great shock , like that of death , to rouse the public sense of personal qualities . This deadness is a lamentable fact , because one of the most truly effective instruments of political action is personal influence . It is a great power : but great powers are not viewed with jealousy by great powers ! A People really free , intelligent , and noble will see with pride and satisfaction the large share of power enjoyed by individuals , while that People feels that it is itself the active fountain of honour and possessor of power . The People that accustoms itself to withhold its

    sympathy from high personal qualities , lest tbat sympathy should be a conveyance of augmented power , will suffer , not only from the abated affection of those who desire to serve it , but also froril a shrinking of its own powers and its own influence over its servants . After all , what have we to govern men with , except the faculty of feeling the sympathy and influence of others : to cultivate sympathy , therefore , is to cultivate both the faculty for being governed and that of governing . observable in the ad

    Much of the feebleness - vancement of public interests , at this day , is aseribable to the debilitated condition of personal influence , and it would be well if we could restore a healthier tone . Oneway of doing so , in a signal instance for which the opportunity has not even yet gone , is in Peel ' s case . His services foave exerted a strong personal esteem throughout the country ; his sudden death has moved the sympathy of all ; the Great Captain , that matter-of-fact statesman ; that gerieralissimo of " men of the world , " na 6

    testified that Peel ' s great characteristic , the soured of his power , was his constant stand on the sure footing of truth—a remarkable declaration in these days of expediency , evasion , and compromise . The desire to give vent to personal regret for the loss of the patriot causes a movement in many districts towards some monument of the public re * gard ; and very suitable monuments have been sitg ^ nested as the memento for particular districts ,

    besides the imperial monument in Westminster Abbey There is no objection to such mementoes , except that they are imperfectly endowed with the spirit of personal influence . The object should be to hit upon some plan that may involve a general sacrifice and yet a general benefit—a tribute attested by its cost to those who . offer it , but enriched by a beneficial influence on all who ire to be reminded by ' the monument of Peel .

    The Chartists used to threaten " a national holiday , " as a sort of universal strike : the idea was grand , and too good to be wasted on a process of hostility . In this country the days of recreation are not too many , especially while we maintain anything resembling a sectarian observance of the Sabbath : lay holidays might be multiplied with advantage . Now , it would be a further advantage

    if those days of rest and restoration were made conducive to elevation of thought and feeling , and no surer plan could be adopted than to connect such holidays with the name of great men . We might begin this new and better series of red-letter days by one consecrated to the memory of Peel : set apart one day in the year for the healthful rest and recreation of all classes , and call it " Peel's

    Day . " Then the people might have a day to obey that wish of the statesman which Richard Cobderi proposes to engrave upon the national monument of brass : — " It may be that I shall leave a name sometimes remembered with expressions of goodwill in the abodes of those whose lot it is to labour , and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow , when they shall Recruit their exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food , the sweeter because it is no longer leavened by a sense of injustice . "

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    SATURDAY , JULY 13 , 1860 .

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), July 13, 1850, page 371, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1846/page/11/