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No . 18 . SATURDAY , JULY 27 , 1850 . Price 6 d .
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Death again supplies the most striking event of the week : President Taylor , of the United States , has succumbed under a sudden attack of choleraic disease . For the second time in the history of the Republic we are taught that even Republican institutions are not proof against the accidents of mortality : the post of chief magistrate is suddenly
transferred from the choice of the nation to a man comparatively unknown . Mr . Fillmore , the Vice-President , who succeeds , ex officio , to the sudden vacancy , is a respectable but not an illustrious politician . He elevated himself from an humble position by industry in the law , and seems to have earned the esteem of most parties . But the immediate motive to his election was a
compromise : he was admitted as a concession to the Clay party without any idea that his personal opinions would give an important turn to the course of Government . For , although it has been provided from the first that , if the President die during his term of office , the Vice-President shall succeed ex officio , such a contingency never happened until the death of General Harrison ; and it could little be expected in the case of the robust and by no means superannuated Zachary Taylor . According to all human expectation , the opinions of the Vice-President are not of much more
importance in the United States than the personal opinions of our Speaker . Accident , however , has meddled with the colour of the Government , and may affect its future during the remainder of General Taylor ' s term in two important particulars . Mr . Fillmore is an upholder of Northern opinions on the question of slavery , and favourable to Mr . Clay ' s compromise-policy , tending to the ultimate extinction of slavery . He is also an upholder of the Northern , that is , the
Manufacturing or Protectionist views on the subject of the import trade . But it is not likely that these views will very materially change the course of Government ; not only because the Government has already received its momentum for a certain period , and the dominant opinion of the republic is likely to have its way ; but also because a moderate and intelligent man , holding the supreme magistracy by accident , will be likely to give his own personal opinions a modified application , and not to run riot like a mock Duke or a President Polk .
We saw last week how death had disappointed the Camarilla of Spain : the presentation of the dead infant , styled the Prince of Asturias , is among the mockeries that royalty is forced to inflict upon itself . The accounts of renewed hostilities in the German provinces of Denmark are a fit pendant to the banquet which the Reform Club gave Lord Palmerston on Saturday . The policy of our Foreign-office has succeeded in effecting for a time , at least , a " settlement" of the Schleswig-Holstein [ Town Edition . ]
question—such is the boast : its practical operation is to reawaken war ; and we see Germans rushing to that field in order to fight upon it for " the unity of Germany . " But the Reform Club banquet does not really turn upon foreign politics . Its motive is evidently some home stratagem—some manoeuvre of Liberal " rats , " who suppose that Lord John Russell ' s term of office is drawing to its close , and wish to prepare a comfortable patronage for themselves . They are giving Lord Palmerston a supply of the small change of popularity , as speculative usurers supply stinted heirs , with an eye to post obits .
The veil is dragged from another foreign scandal by the official Globe , who ought , one would think , to know better . The English intervention in Italy has turned out very ditastrous , and Lord Minto has been freely censured for his knighterrantry in that quarter . His colleagues have declared that he only went by invitation of the Pope . Of this
assertion the Roman Government has published a formal contradiction in the public Gazette . The Foreign-office in Dovvning-street replies by publishing the correspondence of its own diplomatists on the subject . It is not very satisfactory . The letters do not include one by the Pope or any of his agents , but are reports , by Lord Normanby and Lord Minto to Lord Palmerston of conversations
held with the Pope ' s Nuncio at Paris and the Pope himself in Home . The conversations were expressly extra-official , not included in the usages of official intercourse and not bound b y the ordinary rules of official responsibility ; but strictly bound , one would suppose , by the rules of confidential intercourse . The reports are not at all specific , —they do not make the reader at all sure that the expressions
imputed to the Pope and his envoy were not replies to leading suggestions by the English envoys , —they do not make out anything in the nature of a specific invitation . They do make out most distinctly , ex facto , that the Foreignoffice has committed itself to a gross breach of confidence . What with the alternate instigation and abandonment of Piedmont , of Rome , and
Sicily—what with the simultaneous coquetting to recognize the Genoese King in Sicily , and to keep up friendly relations with Austria—and what with this breach of diplomatic and personal confidence , it seems clear that Lord Palmerston has for ever destroyed Italian confidence in England . Italy will as soon believe in Lord Palmerston as it would in the new Messiah who has published himself in Piedmont—one Signor Grignaschi .
The curious crop of miracles that have recently sprouted in Italy , as if to signalize the restoration of the Pope , is scarcely more extravagant than the expectation of the large meeting in St . Martin ' s Hall , with its satellite in Freemasons' Tavern , that the Church of England can be restored as a national institution . The meeting itself might suffice to prove that fatal fact . It mustered 2000 strong j but was manifestly a vigorous effort of a very
limited circle . An attempt had been made to get up a great national meeting : it proved to be that of a very peculiar class— " earnest" men in the Church of England , who do not belong to the Evangelical party . Politically the Church of England is maintained in its supremacy by its connection with Church patronage , Church revenues , and Church precedence in matters of dignity ; but , so far as its hold upon the credence and respect of the public goes , it is on a level with every other sect . Many conform because the
Church of England is the official and fashionable church ; but not a man in the country believes in it any the more for that . The middle classes incline to the Church of England as sanctioned by the powers that be ; but , belonging , more to the people than the aristocracy , the middle classes incline to the evangelical half of the church , a quasidissenting body , including the larger half of the establishment . From the smaller half the meeting was collected . The great proportion of clergymen present shows that it was drawn from all parts of
the country ; but , in spite of that vigorous endeavour , it was deplored that there were " no laymen of mark , " that there were few dignitaries of the church , no leading politicians , and only one representative of the Episcopal Bench . The muster , therefore , most distinctly exposes the limited nature of the public represented by that muster—a class as limited as the dilettanti in antiquities , in mediaeval church architecture , or any
other special study . The meeting was intended to protest against the Gorham decision , and to demand a clerical Parliament as the high court of appeal in matters of doctrine and discipline . Now , a fractional body like that represented in St . Martin ' s-hall has no right to claim a revival of national institutions for its own advantage . Let it claim to be set free from state interference , and the public would support it .
Mr . Ferrand ' s meeting at Exeter , after the legitimate agricultural meeting , to get up an agitation on behalf of the Wool League , further exposes the division in the Protectionist party . Parliament has been busied mainly with the details of measures already discussed . The debates have been few , and not very striking . Lord Ellenborough ' s assault upon Lord Palmerston , apropos of a formal stage of the Militia Act Suspension Bill , drew from Lord Grey a reply vindicating the
state of national defence . The vote for the support of Labuan renewed the squabble about the respective honesty of Mr . Wise and Sir James Brooke ; each of whom depends for the proof of his own honesty on the proof of the other ' s . roguery . A vote of £ 20 , 000 for Hong-Kong produced one of those financial amendments for reducing it to £ 15 , 000 , which seldom come to anything . The House of Commons has adopted the Metropolitan Sunday Trading Bill , which limited trading in certain necessary occupations to an early hour on the Sunday morning . The debate was characterized
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 27, 1850, page unpag., in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1848/page/1/
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