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by considerable crossing of opinions , and also by more than the usual amount of out-speaking . It did not penetrate to the root of the matter , and therefore did not result in a measure that can be considered more than a temporary experiment ; but , inasmuch as ijt < j& 4 . deal with , the subject more frankly than usual , it constitutes a step not unimportant towards the eventual completion of a right settlement . But Parliament is sick of debate in midsumxq $ 7 . It will do anything to satisfy Ministers and break up as soon as possible .
... The most . d * ain . atic action , comes from without : the City meeting on Thursday authorized Baron Lionel de Rothschild to claim his seat , without waiting for the official shilly-shallying on the Jew
Bill . Queen Victoria is already away , snatching some foretaste of the summer holiday . We see her this week sitting before Carisbrook Castle and sketching the window from which Charles the First escaped . Strange reflections must have passed through the royal mind in contrasting her own peaceful process with the perilous process effected by her predecessor : why was he so scared and she so safe ? Because her people have that freedom which he refused ? The freedom of Peoples is the safety of Princes .
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In the House of Lords on Monday evening , the County Courts Extension Bill was read a third time and passed , after an amendment , moved by Lord Brougham , had been inserted , giving a concurrent jurisdiction to the superior courts in cases in which the debt amounted to more than £ 20 . Previous to the House of Commons going into committee of supply on Monday evening , Lord John Russell , in answer to a question from Mr . Stafford , paid he proposed that the Lords' amendments on the the Irish Franchise Bill should be taken into consideration next Tuesday . On Thursday he proposed that the Lords' amendments upon the Australian Colonies Bill should be taken into consideration ; and after the report on the Mercantile Marine Bill , on Thursday , he proposed to take into consideration the Lords' amendments upon the Metropolitan Interments Bill , which he believed were not of any great importance , but which it was desirable to consider as soon as possible . With regard to the Oath of Abjuration ( Jews ) Bill , he had been in hopes of being able tp bring it on next week ; but he found there was still a considerable quantity of business in committee of supply , which would probably occupy four or five nights , and that he could not hope successfully to carry the bill through the House in time to enable it to receive the consideration of the House of Lords . He did not intend , therefore , to proceed further with the measure this session ; but he meant to go on with it at the earliest possible period in . the next session—( Oh , oh , from Colonel Sibthorp ) .
The House having gone into committee of supply , a discuesion took place on various items . The motion that £ 20 , 000 be voted for the colony of Hong Kong was opposed by Mr . Scott , who contended that such a sum was quite disproportionate to the wants of the colony , and moved that the vote be reduced to £ 10 , 000 . Mr . Hawbs opposed the amendment , and asked the House to look to the great reduction which had been made since 1845 , when the vote was £ 49 , 000 . Mr . Mitchell , Mr . SrooNER , and Mr . Humb opposed the vote . Lord Palmerston spoke strongly in favour of it . The scale of salaries , he remarked , was very moderate compared with those of the East India Company . Mr . Cohdex could not
help contrasting the economical arrangements of the Government of America with the profusion exhibited by our own . The American Government found a consul at 1000 dollars a-year ( and there was one at each of the live China ports ) adequate to the discharge of those functions for which , in the shape of a salary to a Chief Justice , we paid £ 3000 per annum . The committee having divided , Mr . Scott ' s amendment was rejected by 53 to 41 . On the vote of £ 0914 to defray the charge of Lnbunn , Mr . Humu replied at some length to the charges brought against Mr . Wise , arising out of his connection with Sir James Brooke , and discussion followed of a ratlu * r personal character .
On a vote of £ G 3 l 8 being proposed for miscellaneous services , Mr . Ciiaulkn Luriiinoton moved to reduce the vote by £ 1095 , being the grant proposed to be made to distressed dissenting ministers . The repugnance of the great mass of the dissenting body to this grunt existed in unriiminished strength , and they regarded it us an insult , nnd a violation of the principles which they professed . The condition of the . Dissenters wiw very much altered since this grant was originally made , in the reign of George . 1 . They were then poor , niul had no status in society ; but they were now numerous , wealthy , and iuuucntial . The ministers who were the . recipients of this money took it in secret , and were generally
believed to be apostates fronjL the doctrines held by the majority of those with whom they professed to hold communion . Mr . Kershaw supported the motion . He hoped that the Government would withdraw a grant which was so irritating to the Dissenters in . general , and which hadi been publicly repudiated by many of their associated congregations . Sir Charles , Wood said it waa stated on the authority of Dr . Ijtees , one of the distributors of the fund , thai its distribution gave no dissatisfaction to the congregations of thpse who received it ; , and he could not , therefore , consent to withhold the grant , the loss
of which would be severely felt by those who had been accustomed to its receipt . Mr . Bright said the reason why no dissatisfaction was manifested by the congregations was , that no congregation was aware its minister did receive relief from the grant , and if it were known it would at once become a question between the minister and the congregation . It was , in fact , a kind of secret service-money , distributed by three ministers of each of the three denominations , men of average respectability ( laughter ) , who distributed it how and to whom they pleased , but who returned no list to the Treasury of the recipients . ( Hear , hear . ) Lord John Russell could not agree that the suppression of this grant would do harm to
nobody , when they knew that 300 Dissenting ministers partook of it in small sums of £ 1 each , and when they were told by the distributors that it was only persons in great need who were assisted by the fund . One honourable gentleman said that it was against the principles of Dissenters lo receive this money . He must say that was an extraordinary statement , considering that Dissenters had been in the habit of receiving it every year , from 1723 down to the present year 1850 . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . WYLI > said the Dissenters did not require charity either from that House or from individuals . The largest and most influential body of Dissenters , the Wesleyans , were not participants in the grant—the House had never dared to offer it to them ; but it was
continued to the other bodies from the time of George the First , when it was given them , in times when Jacobinism was rife , as a bribe to be staunch to the house of Hanover . On a division the grant was carried by 147 to 72 . Colonel Dunne moved , on Tuesday evening , for leave to bring in a bill to amend the Irish poor-law . His object in doing so was to modify , if possible , the evils attending the out-door relief system , which was eating up the property of the country . In . the year 1847 the rental of the country was thirteen millions , with only a half-million of poor ' s-rates , whereas last year , in consequence of the repeal of the corn-laws , the rental was but nine millions , while the poor ' srates had increased to upwards of two millions , or
about eight shillings and fourpence in the pound . It was impossible the landed interest could afford to pay such a heavy burden . The Government must look to some other source ; and with that view he brought forward the present measure . The motion was seconded by Mr . Georoe Hamilton , and supported by several other Irish members . Mr . Scrope pointed out the gross mismanagement of the poor-law , and urged the Government to introduce some system of reproductive labour . Thousands of people were starving , the workhouses were full of paupers , and yet the land was allowed to remain unproductive . It did not produce one-fourth of what it might be made to do by the adoption of some better system than the existing poor-law . After a few remarks from various members leave was given to bring in the bill .
Colonel Sibthorp called attention to the depressed condition of the tenant-farmers , and moved that from and after the 12 th of September the income-tax levied under schedule B shall cease and determine . Sir Charles Wood recommended him not to press his motion . He must be aware that to relieve any one class from the income-tax would be inconsistent with the principle on which it is levied . The motion was supported by Mr . Buck , Mr . Newdeoate , Mr . Wodbhouse , and Mr . Spooneu . Mr . Disraeli also stated his determination to vote for the motion . After the alteration made in the duties on foreign
corn , Parliament was bound to give to the agriculturists not only ample , but complete justice . Mr . Bright opposed the motion . He believed it could be shown that the present method imposed a smaller rate of taxation on the farmer than that paid by other parties . If the proposition was that the tenant-farmers should pay no income-tax at all , while the other classes were to continue to pay it , then it was not only an extraordinary but an impudent proposition . ( "Oh / " ) Gentlemen opposite
seemed to be aware that the end of the session was approaching—that during the recess it would be necessary to keep their followers together —and that as the Protectionist cry was nearly worn out , some other cry , like the present , was requisite . The Marquis of Gran by could assure Mr . Bright that there was no fear of the Protectionist cry not being kept up . The House then divided , and the numbers were : — For the motion , . 12—against it , 50 . Majority against it , IS . Some discussion took place in the House of Commons , on Wednesday , on the second reading of the
Sunday Trading prevention Bill . Mr . Charles Pearson supported it upon the principle that any measure which tended to promote the seventh day ' s rest , tended to the general benefit of mankind , and because a contrary course would lead to the invasion of poverty and property , and finally end in giving six days' wages for seven days' work . Mr . Baring Wall opposed the motion . He objected to the bill as a religious bill , because it had no religion at all . He objected to it as a . social bill , because it interfered with all the relations of social life . He objected to it as a partial bill , because it touched some trades
and exempted others . They durst not touch the licensed victuallers , because they were too powerful ; but the small traders , who lived in out of the way alleys , were to be dealt with without mercy . He objected particularly to the clause affecting hairdressers . H&irdressing was a sanitary requirement , and it was absurd in the last degree to allow a man to shave himself at home , while he was forbidden to shave himself at a shop . Colonel Thompson thought this bill a heavier blow to the Sabbatarians than any that had been given them for some time , as tending to bring about a reasonable settlement of the
question ; and , therefore , he would support the second reading . Mr . Alcock said there was more trading in the open streets of Lambeth on Sundays than on any other day of the week , and the condition of the streets was a disgrace to the country . It was , in fact , a Sunday fair and a Sunday market held in various parts of London , and , therefore , he hoped the House would agree to the second reading . Mr . Chisholm Anstey thought the time was come for making a stand against the present Sabbatarian movement , a movement which was begun in hypocrisy and was now carried on by the power of
fraud and ignorance . He would vote against the second reading of the bill . Lord Dudley Stuart did not support the measure on religious , but rather on civil and social grounds , because he believed that the tendency of the bill would be to diminish Sunday labour . Mr . George Thompson , looking at the measure in a social and civil point of view , was decidedly in favour of it . He believed that there was a vast deal of utterly unnecessary Sunday trading in London . He could , indeed , direct attention to more than 100 localities in the Tower Hamlets which were absolute nuisances
upon Sunday , in consequence of the petty trading which was carried on there all day . In many cases more money was taken in the shops in question on Sunday than during the whole of the rest of the week , and the consequence was that conscientious tradesmen , who did not approve of Sunday opening , were absolutely forced to remain in their shops on the first day of the week . Mr . HAWES believed that a large majority of the shop-keeping inhabitants of Lambeth were in favour of some measure for placing a restriction on Sunday labour . Sunday trading had gone on . increasing in Lambeth , and was now carried on to
an extent which it would be highly desirable in some degree to circumscribe . Mr . W . J . Fox , whilst recognizing the importance of securing to the people one day of rest in the week , denied that this bill would effect that object . In fact , the bill was devoid of principle , and was a simple measure for the benefit of the shopkeeper , as against orange women and apple-stalls . He objected to the bill , because it was tainted with that spirit of Sabbatarianism which he felt assured received no sanction from the Bible . Before he could assent to any measure of this kind , he must be assured of the impartial judgment of its
originators ; in the present instance , he confessed he could not recognize the fulfilment of that condition . He should also regard any such measure with jealousy , until all classes of society were placed on the same footing with respect to the obligation to keep holy the Sabbath-day . Sir James Graham supported the bill . He could not regard the decent observance of the Christian Sabbath in this metropolis as a petty or unworthy object to seek to attain . Admitting that it was not desirable to enforce a gloomy and asc « -tical observance of the Christian Sabbath , he thought all rational amusements of the people ought to be tolerated on the Lord ' s day . It was not fair to describe
this measure as an attack upon orange women and apple-stalls . An instance might be adduced of an individual selling on the Sabbath not apples or oranges , but clothes to the amount of £ 400 , to the detriment of those shopkeepers whose religious scruples precluded their transacting business on the Lord ' s day . The tradesmen entertaining these objections to open their shops on Sundays were , under such circumstance , placed in the position of being obliged to open their shops , or bear the brunt of the competition to which they were thus unfairly exposed . On a division , the second reading was carried by 101 to 22 .
Lord Naas called the attention of the House of Com * mons , on Thursday evening , to the subject of steam communication with Australia . Three lines of communication were suggested : one by Panama , another by the Cnpp , and a third by Singapore . The Capo route would be by St . Helena , touching at Adelaide outwards , nnd at the Mauritius homewards ; ana there would be a very great advantage attained by this line , securing an uninterruj ) ted intercourse be-
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PARLIAMENT .
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Leader (1850-1860), July 27, 1850, page 410, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1848/page/2/
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