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cept " do unto others in all things as ye would liave others to do unto you /'—and with a really intelligent appreciation of the best interests of all ; and the natural and necessary effects of which institutions , upon a being constituted as man is , is to aggravate all the evil consequences of the previously named circumstances , by creating increased stimuli to antagonism and contention , —to ill-will , hatred , and malice , —to envy and jealousy , —to deception and fraud , —to oppression , —to robbery , —( the few defrauding and degrading the many by legalized , unjust appropriation and oppression , the many retaliating as far as they are able by the innumerable devices of cunning and deception , and of minor arts of abstraction forbidden or unforbidden by man ' s irrational laws)—to murders , —to wars , —and to all the vices and atrocities which have hitherto
distinguished man as of all animals the most obstinately bent upon destroying the happiness of his fellows ; a result which follows by a natural process of causation or invariable sequence from the perversion of his admirable constitutional powers and tendencies , by the influence of the one fatal false idea and of the endless errors of judgment and consequent practice which it creates . We shall also discover how sexual crime and misery , the perversion of the finest affections of humanity , and the bitter and heart-crushing disappointments of the fondest hopes , with all their train
of insanities , murders , suicides , and lingering or more speedy death from physical and mental sufferings too cruel to consist with life , and which have been inflicted more especially upon the weaker and gentler half of the human family , have been created by the various causes which have thus been produced to deteriorate the human character , to produce unwilling celibacy , to create mercenary and unloving , and , consequently , unholy and degrading marriages , and to prevent the dissolving of unions which become unholy and degrading by the cessation of love between the parties united—of love , without which marriage is an immorality and a crime .
But while we thus trace the past and present evils and miseries of society to their source , another and a delightful task is prepared for us—that of discovering the causes of good , and the means of creating and wisely combining those causes around all of the human race , and thereby securing the highest excellence and happiness of all through future ages . We shall thus discover that we have only to create a state of society from which the false ruling idea and all the other causes of evil which have been specified ,
and which have arisen from that false fundamental notion , shall be excluded , and which shall comprehend all the opposite causes of good ; and that human nature , when placed under the influences of such a state of society , will prove to be all , and far more than all , that we—irrationalized as we have hitherto been—can conceive of goodness and excellence ; and that the attainment of high and enduring happiness , 41 our being's end and aim , " will bo to intelligent man an easy and a certain achievement .
And we shall also discover that the transition from the present pandemonium condition of society to the new paradisaical state of human existence , which is man's destiny , now rapidly approaching—may be made to be a simple matter of business , as easy and straightforward , when understood , as the constructing of a new railway , of a model lodging-house , or of any other practical scientific combination . For the means to form arrangements to place all within the most desirable circumstances , and to enable societies to create wealth far beyond the full satisfaction of all the reasonable desires of every individual , by occupations so wisely arranged and justly apportioned as to be merely healthy and agreeable
amusements to those engaged in them , exist around us in immense profusion , requiring only the knowledge to apply them beneficially ; and they may and ¦ will be immediately applied , as soon as society shall have been enabled to understand these subjects , to effect our object in well-regulated order , and with great advantage to all . I find I shall be obliged to trespass once more upon your space to indicate the practical measures by ¦ which this change is to be accomplished ; as the most condensed statement that could be made of this part of the subject , consistently with sufficient explicitness , would extend this letter beyond the limits which you have rightly prescribed to your correspondents . Henhy Tiiavis .
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CONSTRAINTS OF COMMUNISM . Au . 1 , 1850-Snt , —A correspondent of your last week ' s paper , ¦ writing in defence of what ho calls " associative views , " meaning , I suppose , the organization of industry on the communistic principle , employs himself in combating people who , he says , find fault with communism , because " the harmony and competence likely to result" arc supposed to bo " so overwhelming that a surfeit of enjoyment is dreaded ; " and this absurdity ho attributes" to " a recent work" called 11 Principles of Political Economy , " which , he says , " foreshadowed the inanity and monotony which must supervene when the spur of animal want was
conquered and withdrawn . " Your correspondent has misunderstood the argument in the " Political Economy . " No such notion is there to be found as that " the sharp pangs of hunger" are necessary to prevent life from being inane and monotonous . So far is this from the truth , that the drudgery to which hunger , and the fear of hunger , condemn the great mass of mankind , is the chief cause which makes their lives inane and monotonous . If communism , or what is generally called by that name , would make life a dull routine , it is not because it would make everybody comfortable . When the rich are ennuyees it is not because they are " above the fear of want , "
it is generally because they are not " above the fear " of other people ' s opinions . They do not cultivate and follow opinions , preferences , or tastes of their own , nor live otherwise than in the manner appointed by the world for persons of their class . Their lives are inane and monotonous because ( in short ) they are not free , because though able to live as pleases themselves , their minds are bent to an external yoke . Now , it is this bondage which I am afraid of in the cooperative communities . I fear that the yoke of conformity would be made heavier instead qf lighter ; that people would be compelled to live as it pleased others , not as it pleased themselves ; that their lives would be placed under rules , the same for all ,
prescribed by the majority ; and oe no escape , no independence of action left to any one , since all must be members of one or another community . It is this which , as is contended in the " Political Economy , " would make life monotonous ; not freedom from want , which is a good in every sense of the word , and which might be ensured to all who are born , without obliging them to merge their separate as well as their working existence in a community . No order of society can be in my estimation desirable unless grounded on the maxim , that no man or woman is accountable to others for any conduct by which others are not injured or damaged . D .
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EXTENSION OF THE SUFFRAGE . July 29 , 1850 . Sir , —The letter by H . R ., on Extension of the Suffrage , has induced me to offer my views on that important subject . Under the present system of election I do not think universal suffrage would act well for the community at large ; yet it is injustice to withhold from any man an active voice in the state , if a method can be found out by which individual influence should not extend beyond its own worth . At present it is mere fudge to pretend that all Members of Parliament are the free choice of their constituents . The main facts at an election are these : —An aristocrat ( either by birth or property ) of sufficient local importance , chooses either a relation or a friend -who represents his views . This choice may be obliged to go through the outward forms of an election , so far as to crouch , fawn , and shake hands with electors ; but in reality thoro is not the least sympathy between the objects of each individual elector , and a member thus chosen . The son or friend ( of the great man ) returned to Parliament on this system represents his constituents only-so long as their views are not at variance with his patron ; whenever those views differ , it is not necessary to state which party must expect to be thrown over . Now a perfect Member should represent the opinions and interests of his constituents only ; and to effect this object the influence I have named above ought to be kept within just bounds . To its legitimate rights only is it entitled , and so far it must always command attention . In comparison only with that relation to other pure influences , ought it to affect an election . Beyond that relation , such influence being unjust , should be neutralized as much as practicable . The method I propose is this : —Retain the present qualification to those who are entitled to vote under that test , and let every one hundred such voters choose a nominee to represent them at the next election . Add universal suffrage to the extent of allowing every two hundred men who do not possess the present qualification ( and whose claim depends only on their birthright as Englishmen ) to also choose a nominee to represent them at the next election . By this means full justice is meted to both wealth and poverty . Intellect , property , and labour would each participate in their just proportions in the government of the country , which is not the case at present . . . It would also have the beneficial effect of picking out an useful class of men in society ( the most talented and influential in each district ) to form a new barrier to injustice between might and right . Iho middle and lower classes of society would soon entertain the laudable ambition of taking an active instead of a mere passive interest in tho welfare of the state . The choice of those I have called nominees should be by ballot , in order to make men who arc now deficient in self-respect feel independent . Tho electors I would have chosen on the present system , because it might be expected tho position of nominees would ensure an independent spirit . TWiia cvatom r \ t nnyiKnatinn mil at . hftVO the eftOCt
of sending to Parliament the real instead of the nominal representatives of every interest , men who would work out virtue and purity in the laws of our country . .,, .. . t I combine universal suffrage with legitimate influences , and vote by ballot with responsibility . Your well-wisher , An Englishman .
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THE POPULATION QUESTION . July 30 , 1850 . Sir , —I find in your report of the meeting of the Redemption Society on Baildon-moor the following words : — . " Mr . Joseph Barker exposed the fallacy of the Malthusian doctrines , and contended that there would be land enough for all the people in the world , even supposing the population to double itself every twenty years for many thousands of years to come . "
The following calculation , which any of your readers can check for himself who is acquainted with the rules of arithmetic , is sufficient commentary on the above speech . One couple , doubling their numbers every twenty years , will in one thousand years produce a population of more than eleven hundred million million ( 1100 , 000 , 000 , 000 , 000 ) , and the present population of the globe would at the same rate produce in one , not many , thousand years a population so numerous that there would not be standing room on the surface of the earth for one hundred-thousandth part of the number . If the Mr . Joseph Barkers would learn arithmetic , how much cant and nonsense we should be saved . R . C . N .
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PULLS AT THE PUBLIC PURSE . Sir , —I am a poor man—a Wry poor man—and the son of very poor parents . I never did anything to deserve the thanks of my country , and I don't suppose I ever shall . My father and mother ( peace to their ashes !) were , I believe , equally innocent of any remarkable patriotism , beyond thut of adding largely to the population , and , therefore , have no claim upon the gratitude and affection of the nation . In spite of poverty , however , I enjoy excellent health—indeed , I never had a day ' s illness in my life , and I am now upwards of fifty years old . I think , then , that I must have a fine constitution , and the blood which runs in my veins , though unmingled with royal refinement , must be as pure as that of the proudest prince in the land . As for my moral character , conscience tells me that is spotless , and would
not fear comparison ( if such comparisons were not particularly odious ) with the character of a royal Duke or even of our beloved Sovereign herself . In sympathy with my follow-creaturcs and in charitable intentions towards all mankind I will yield to no man , —not the worthy relative of her Majesty whose body we have just consigned to the tomb . __ But , unfortunately , I have never possessed an income of £ 27 , 000 a-ycar , and , while his royal highness could subscribe large sums to promote objects of charity , Necessity , stern tyrant , has forbidden me to offer
aught but good ' wishes and naked approbation . Silver and gold I had not , or willingly would I havo lavished them in acts of benevolence , private and public . Had Parliament been liberal enough to allow me £ 27 , 000 or only £ 12 , 000 a-year , I am sure the natural philanthropy of my disposition would have led me to make as laudable a use of the money as the late Duke of Cambridge was known to do ,-and as the present Duke is expected to do . Why , then , Sir , should I not petition Lord John Russell , who seems so free with the public purse , to exert his Ministerial influence with Parliament to grant mo a few thouin that
sands per ann ^ im order I may have tho means of cultivating that Christian virtue which " covers a multitude of sins" ? I assure you I have nothing to live on but what I earn in a casual way , eo that my subsistence is of a very precarious sort . Were I in the army I might manage to live on my pay without begging from other people , but I always hated the idea of a soldier ' s life , and never had courage to become a licensed slaughterman . I really wish , Sir , you would favour me with your advice on this matter . Do you think it would bo considered disgraceful or in any way improper for me to ask Lord John to ask the House of Commons ,
out of commiseration for ray extreme poverty and in consideration of my charitable tendencies , to place my name on the list among those who receive enormous sums out of the national exchequer , ulthough they have never merited the distinction by doing anything for the national benefit ? I should liko to hear whiit you think of this . I am , yours respectfully , Tom Stiles .
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Publication of New Opinions . —when now truths arc put forward on their own basis with calm earnestness , and prevailing errors arc not directly assailed without a positive necessity for th ** assault , the public mind remains more open to the admission and diffusion of the truth , and a moral influence in their favour is gained by prudent forbearance towards prevailing error ; so that when thn public mind becomes prepared for the subversion of tho latter , the cilctc op inions will bo quietly replaced by the living truths . —1 ' rom tho Lijo qf Andrew Combe .
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Aug . 3 , 1850 . ] © & * & *« & **? 447
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Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 3, 1850, page 447, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1849/page/15/
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