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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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No . 25 . SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 14 , 1850 . Price 6 d .
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News op the Wbbk— Page New System of Railway Propulsion . 582 The Haynau Affair ..... 588 Reform m the Christian Churcn .... JWJ Louis Napoleon at Cherbourg 578 Wreck of an Emigrant Ship 583 A Garden , An Arch A Gaess .... 588 H ™**™™* .... 593 The Koyal Family at Balmoral .... 579 A Fraudulent Clefk : . 588 The Landowners and the Butcher . . 589 Jhe Mosaic Sabbath .. 593 The Attack upon Haynau 579 Cruel Treatment of a Pauper Lunatic 582 The Result of Cmliiation ........... 589 Life of Ebenwer tlhott 0 » 3 Public Meeting 579 Murders and Murderous Assaulta .. 582 Social Keform—VII . —1 he Land : Ita National Education 0 »* Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein .. 580 Associative Progress— - Bondage-VIII . — Religion : Its Tkb Arts—Humboldtand the Peace Congress .. 580 Low Wages caused by Low Habits . 585 Unity 589 » ° ™ T a - " * Prussia and Austria 580 Mr . Owen ' s First Principle 585 Open Council— t ^ wJ £ m I . u > .. ii « rf «• . « # » »» 6 The Conflagration at Cracow 580 Cooperation in Galashiels 585 Poor Laws and the Lord 590 o ^ f ^^^ Ti ^ SlniL 596 The Proposed Improvement in St . The Redemption Society 585 General Haynau 590 § £ " "" £ . O ° JF » J"J" » j £ IrI ,, V 507 James ' s Park . 581 American Social Evils 585 The Lost Keys 591 The Balla . 1 of Beauty Rohtraut .... j >» 7 The Exhibition ofiVsi .::::::.:::: Si pubUo I ***™ - rort u *\*™ Meanwhile 59 cSSS ^ S . iHSS The Encumbered Estates 581 Progress of Catholicism 587 A Reformation .. 591 Commercial Affairs- 598 . The Canterbury Colony 581 Savings of the Working Classes .... 587 Is Our Piogreas Backwards ? 591 Markets , Gazettes , &c 598-600
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The Peoples of Europe , it is fancied , having got over their fit of active energy , and grown tired of revolution , systematic attempts are made in various quarters to dispose of them after the old fashion . There is just this difference between the present day and times past , that , whereas it was necessary to keep royal combinations for territorial aggrandizement secret , lest they should be found out by royal competitors , they are now kept secret under a fear lest the People should intervene and insist upon having some voice in the matter . Formerly
the head-quarters of the Prince ' s popularity , the great naval port . He is making decided advances in familiarizing the French people to his gradual assumption of royal styles in his demeanour and modes of speech j and at Cherbourg he distinctly suggested to the people , that , if they wish for such works as Napoleon instituted , they must give to him the same power and the same permanency ^ as the Emperor possessed . If they will stand by him , he promises them order , prosperity , and improvements ; and if we were to guess at his comparative chance of success , we should rate it rather high .
But , in all these negotiations and manoeuverings , it is quite clear that each competing party is agitating entirely for itself , and with very small reference to the wishes or welfare of the People . The Legitimists wish to establish their idol on the pinnacle of power , and themselves round about in the sunshine of its favour ; the Orleanists are planning to take some advantage ; M . Louis Napoleon and the half-adventurous crew that aid his manoeuvres are trying to establish him and themselves . Each party appeals in turn to the old
pre-Lords , royal or noble , disposed of Peoples at pleasure , openly and by force : they now endeavour to carry on their trade by a kind of circumvention . This makes it as difficult to understand the proceedings of the royal and diplomatic persons , while engaged in their peculiar trade , as it would be to get at a programme of burglars or ring-droppers . Something , for example , is going on about France ; but France does not know what . Even we in England , who are only lookers-on , are not
judices , present jealousies , and prospective or local interests ; but the People—the actual desire of the majority of the nation , or of any large active section of the JPeople considered apart from , class—that is wholly set aside except in the way of resistance to be overcome—or evaded . The struggles of the People , therefore—the immense sacrifices which any people must make in revolutions , the risks run , the combats , the forbearance in the heat of victory , — all these things go for nothing . There is no party among those now active that has a sufficiently close alliance with the People to act with any devotion in
allowed to see the game . If we might hazard a guess , we should say that the President and some of his immediate adherents , who rule over the Army and the appointment of Prefects , are engaged against a combination of the old Bourbon branch and the Orleans branch with many of the friends of " order "; the said friends of order looking back regretfully to a more legitimate style of bureaucracy than that which has displaced the old habitues in Paris to make room for parvenus .
The didactic M . de Salvandy , —a sort of Lord Brougham en beau , — - has excited attention by the galvanic rapidity of his movements between the Count de Chambord and the Orleans family at Claremont and Richmond . The ostensible incidents of the drama are harmless enough : the descendant of Saint Louis generously orders a
the popular interest . Any party which may exist that does seem to feel a sympathy with the nation , has neglected the necessary work of obtaining strength , by organization and by extended influence . The People is defrauded by the treachery of its pretended allies , —time-servers of the hour ; by the h . ! ficiency or laches of its friends . The activity or M . de Persigny in the North has excited more attention as it becomes more apparent . It is understood that he , the representative of France , is busied in negotiations , in which also Russia and Austria take part , to reestablish the full dominion of Prussia over Neufchatel , and
minent place in American politics is another and darker form of the popular question . ^ Free in its citizen capacity , the American Republic is cursed with the character of a despot in its collective slaveholding capacity . We see the Times treating the recent passage of the Fugitive Slave Bill as indicating a crisis in the great question . The bill is intended to facilitate the recapture of slaves who have fled from their own states , and it is very
arbitrary in its character . We see the announcement that a municipal law at Norfolk , permitting Negroes to make their own bargains , is to be rescinded ; the negroes having grown so " insolent , ? that a free white man finds some difficulty in obtaining a labourer for hire ! The Times says that there is a general movement among the slaves which instigates these reactionary measures j bt . t we descry no proof that the slaves are departing from their surprising and incredible patience ,
although these rigorous measures are multiplied . Disgust at the new bill has made Mr . M'Kennan resign his seat in the Cabinet , and some of the Southern states begin to talk loudly of " nullification . " The Republicans do not seem to be quite aware of the view entertained in Europe of their conduct in evading and procrastinating the settlement of the slave question . They seem to think that all objections are answered when they say that ripjour is needed to keep down servile war with all
its social horrors , and that the Negro belongs to an inferior race . In England we do not hold the ethnological argument to be of much account ; since we might hesitate even to drive beasts of burden if they came so near humanity as to talk and expostulate . But that which strikes us most in this evasion of the great question , is the want of foresight , of energy or even courage , to grapple with an inevitable difficulty .
In Ireland we see the attempt at Romanist reaction in the synod at Thurles ; but nothing authentic has yet been proclaimed as to the proceedings conducted in secret . It seems , from certain overt acts , to be clear that the Romanist dignitaries are to pay implicit obedience to Rome , and are to repudiate the colleges ; the object being to impede the use of those colleges , and practically to destroy them as schools for young Ireland . It is very
mass for the good of Louis Philippe ; the widow of Louis Philippe sends to thank the Count for his considerateness ; the Count reciprocates compliments j which now become of so important a character that M . de Salvandy thinks it necessary to combine the family of Louis Philippe with the Duchess of Orleans in his response , and it is understood that he has obtained some kind of "
condoubtful , however , whether the assembled prelates and dignitaries of the Romish Church have any such power ; and if they fail , the flourishing of the colleges , in spite of their teeth , will be a damaging exposure of their feebleness . The crimes of our own country , numerous as the record is this week—the disasters to our shipping on the American and African coasts ; the Cape of Good Hope has been sorely visited this seasonshrink to nothing in comparison with the frightful disaster at Cracow , which is ascribed us u crime to
so to override local parties and popular feeling m that Swiss province of the Prussian dominion . It is understood that he has made great progress , though it is as yet uncertain whether France will be able to overcome her own traditions so far as to aid in this disgraceful supplement to the treaties of 1815 . A story , however , so degrading to France needs confirmation . Denmark and Prussia are still fighting for the possession of the Schleswig-Holsteiners j he treaty of peace in Berlin , just concluded , being jparently as ineffective to prevent the war as the r ertures of the Peace Congress . The question which is assuming the most
procession " from the family of the late King in favour of the Legitimist Pretender ; but , of course , it is without prejudice to Louis Philippe ' s heir , the Count of Paris . Meanwhile Prince Louis Napoleon is killing several birds with one stone at Cherbourg . He is gratifying the French nation by a display of naval power in the presence of English naval visitors , at the same time that he is conciliating his old associates at Gore House—certain noble yachters—by the courtesy of his welcome . He is making some progress in cutting out a presumed rival for the Presidency , the Prince de Joinville , in [ Town Edition . ]
its Russian governor . There is too much verisimilitude in the account which represents the Russians as planning to destroy the monuments of Polish greatness .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 14, 1850, page unpag., in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1853/page/1/
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