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Mtms M ty? Wttk.
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"Thb one Idea ¦ vrhich History exhibits as evermore developing itself into greater distinctness is the Idea or Humanity—the noble endeavour to throw down all the barriers erected between men by prejudice and one-sided views ; and by setting aside the distinctions of Religion , Country , and Colour , to treat the whole Human race " asone brotherhood , having one great object—the free development of our spiritual nature . "—Humboldt ' s Cosmos . t
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N « fr a or THE Wbbk— Page paper Stamp Abolition Committee 29 The Disarmament of Sect 37 A Word about the Lady of Lyons .... 43 French Ministerial Crisis 26 National Charter Association 30 Good Teachers Wanted . 37 Associative PROOBBSB-r The Sloane Case 26 West-Bidiny Delegate Meeting .... 31 Social Reform . — XXfV—Who can Working Associations of Pali * 43 Protestantism and Popery 26 The-Sheffield Free Press 31 Create a People ' s Party 37 ' Open Council— '? Tie Sham Miracle 27 Another Daring Burglary 31 Literature— Malthas 44 Important Educational Movement .. 27 A Den of Thieve 32 Schlosser's History of the Eighteenth Letter to H . Martineau 44 Harsh Poor-Lavr Administration .... 27 Making Trousers at 3 d . a Pair 32 Century ^ . j ^ ...... ^ . ^ ..... 39 How to raise Capital-for- Cooperative The DutchXJroww J « weU .......... 27 ArGangof Coiners .. ^ ...:........... ^ 2 Goethe and Eckerman n 40 Purposes 44 Warlike Preparation sat Buenos Ayrea 28 Public Affaihs— Sermons in Sonnets 41 Marriage with a Deceased Wife ' s The Forrest Divorce Case 28 The Work of the Day 35 Thackeray and the Thunderer 41 Sister 45 A Week Among the Emigrant Ships The Condition of Germany 36 Portfolio— Mr . Muntz and the ' Times" 45 at Liverpool .... i ... 28 How to get ridof the Taxes on Know- The Lonely Flower 42 Sir Edward Sogden and Prisoners .. 45 , The Quarter ' s Revenue . .... i .. „ ... 29 ledge 36 Sketches from Life 4 » Commbroiai . Affairs—Second Annual Beport of the News- A New Education Scheme 36 Tub Arts— Markets , Gazettes , &c 46-48
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No . 42 . SATURDAY , JANUARY 11 , 1851 . Price 6 d . _ " * . ' ,, ¦ ¦ ¦ ii i -- _ — -- ¦ _ - _ . ^ - —— i . ——~
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Nothing could more appropriately illustrate the irregular and patchwork nature of our taxation system than the conduct of the public . The Revenue Tables are watched with anxiety ; if a deficiency appears , the public groans and anticipates more taxea ; if there is a surplus , the public smiles fiercely , and we see meetings in every direction to demand the pulling down of this or that tax . If sufficient pains were taken to distribute the burden of taxation equably and fairly , there would not be this excessive anxiety to push off particular imposts : the restlessness of the public marks the unequal pressure and mischievous nature of the duiies selected for revenue . The " taxes on knowledge " are of this kind ; and not only the extension of the movement against them , but the character and activity of the agitators , indicate the speedy extinction of such duties . If the public generally speak out , we shall not long have to endure them . The window tax also is marked by the public with the axe of condemnation . Governments might save themselves endless trouble , however , if they were to abandon their empirical manner of dealing with taxation , and more thoroughly to revise the whole system . If the pressure were laid more equably , it would not be felt at particular points ; if subjects for taxation so improper as light and ventilation , or communication and knowledge were spared , there would not be such just hatred of taxes ; the public restlessness would not compel that incessant remission of duties at one season , to be followed by rejmposition at another , which is now the custom ; but a surplus of three millions or so would be patiently regarded as a convenient mar gin for the public revenue . It is true that the public talks of the amount of taxation ; butthe ^ hing that it really feels is the inequality and mischievous » nature of the particular taxes . r Some proof of this assertion may be observed in me growing disposition towards a new tax for education purposes like that proposed by the National public bchool Association . A tribute to that plan nas just been paid by those who belonged to its SilT ? m Manchester , in the suggestion of a parallel plan , the aim of which is to reconcile the original ocheme with Tory notions in religion and poimcB , and so to render it available for quondam opponents , who desire to share the credit , the adinS V per ? hance the future handling of admm stration and funds . We do not know how it i « « reconciI l ° n would work , but therfmrefor is a great public fact which means much . blishTn movement . which cannot fail to estaof a « nhr ? u 80 urce of K ° ' i 8 the formation the ti » v «? u ra ^ Ma « cheater ; a work due to roanufSl , oriS »» ated and led it . The ] ma nufacturers have contributed liberally-raising i LIown Kuition . 1
£ 7500 in all . The fact proves beyond question the growing confidence in education for the many . It also furnishes a corroboration of the benefits anticipated from Short Time : by the help of that alone will the People be able to read the books now given to them . The Anti-Catholic agitation seems now to be dying out : while the public fervour of meetings is flagging , resistance to the general stream becomes more common ; the popular hostility continues to be more specifically turned against th , eTractarians ; and the difficulties of enforcing any mere Anti-Catholic policy become every day more obvious . The difficulties do not lie only with the Catholics : it is quite clear that if any substantially effective scheme were laid before the public , a quarrel would immediately arise upon points of detail , between Protestants of the Established Church and Protestant Dissenters . If the Deputies of the Protestant Dissenters , who have been engaged in the discussion at the annual meeting , found difficulties of this kind in agreeing to a mere anticipatory allusion , how much more embarrassing are the enactments themselves likely to be ! The true friends of " civil and religious liberty " - — the soul of religious liberty being non-intervention —are becoming alive to the dangers of establishing a Protestant inquisition , administered by the Established Church , in the name of a measure for the coercion of Catholics : the admirable example of Joseph Barker ' s success in the Leeds Town Council , in making a stand against the insidious principle of religious coercion , cannot be without effect . But practically there are obstructors even in the body of * the Established Church :- in a formal correspondence . with the Archbishop of Canterbury , the clergy of the Established Church in Ireland demand that they shall be treated aa an integral part of " the United Church of England and Ireland , " and that any measures taken against " the movement of the common adversary" in England should be extended to Ireland , for the common protection . From the orthodox point of view , this demand is so reasonable , that it cannot be slighted without greatly lowering the moral position of those who , are responsible for the official administration of ecclesiastical affairs ; and yet to comply with the demand would render the civil government of Ire- 1 land impossible . The difficulty has been pointed < out before , but this week it is rendered more appa- rent than ever . The direct alternative would be , to ( adopt in England only such measures as could be 3 safely applied in Ireland ; and , if Ministers abide ] by that test , nobody needs be much alarmed at j the measures they are going to accord . We all { remember that King Log made a terrific splash j when he was thrown into the water , but that the ] frogs who had been fatiguing H eaven with their v clamours , found him only too harmless . c Abroad , on the surface of events , reaction against r popular right proceeds without interruption . The a diplomatists partaking in the Conference at Dresden a
| \ have it all their own way : whatever the quarrels amongst themselves , they keep their councils secret , and are united against " the movement of the common adversary "—the People . That there are bitter quarrels among them we know . Jn his recent address to Austrian Embassadors at the pr incipal Foreign Courts , Prince Schwarzenberg tried to make it appear that Prussia had been a petitioner for the preliminary conference at Olmutz , had thankfully succumbed to the merciful terms of Austria , and had , in short , learned to know her place . King Frederick William , who had betrayed the interest of his own People and of " Germany " to rejoin the compacted band of German Monafchs , is excessively indignant at this disparaging representation ; but he does not the less continue his truckling to the Rusao-Austrian spirit which animates the crowned conspirators against the German Peoples . Rumour announces that the claim of Bavaria for a representation of the German People , in the diet to be reestablished , is abandoned ; but that the project of a Bavarian league , or " collectivity " of Southern states , is rising in favour : in other words , Bavaria has successfully used the People as a stalking horse to attain her own ends . In the comedy of the Confederates , Brass brings his accomplice , Dick Ablett , to terms by talking loud ; just as Bavaria is described to have done in the farce of the Confederates at Dresden . Meanwhile the treatment of Hesse-Cassel is a practical sample of the rule under the future Federal Diet : the Austrian Commissioner , Prince Leiningen , has repudiated the high-handed measures of Peucker , the Prussian Commissioner , -who has gone so far as to bring active Constitutionalists before courts-martial , and have thaw sentapfedto be beaten with sticks ; but we do Hot httiT that Prince Leiningen has caused the *| tetriots to Be nitbeaten again , pr even compensated . $ i 9 tiaeker vrkk only premature : Germany is to be ruled by the stick . In Paris political affairs are in a state the most unpromising . Paris boasts of being France—but France must be very much ashamed of its boastful capital . There is a war of intrigues—intrigues which nobody quite understands , but which are best seen when we survey the surface of affairs broadly , without looking at the details too closely . Conservative politicians ought to make much more than they do of what surgeons call a clinical lecture over the suffering patient—the country . The royal class has been swept away . th , e aristocracy t ; as been totally broken down ana crumbled to a ruin , and , yet a country less happy , mor * oppressed it home and tyrannical abroad , more . torn by-the ntrigues of faction , is not to be found in Weatdrn Europe . The secret is to be sought in the fact that , vhile traditional chivalries and old faiths have jxpired , leaving the People sceptical and inert , lolitical knowledge , energy , and power , have fallen ilmost exclusively into the hands of the profe # - ional politicians of the capital ; those politicians
Mtms M Ty? Wttk.
Mtms M ty ? Wttk .
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 11, 1851, page unpag., in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1865/page/1/
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