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Leader (1850-1860), 11th January 1851, Edition Town of 1, Page 35

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      Untitled Article

      i ? A ., rth £ 1000 ; Duke of Buceleuch , £ 500 r Sir Frand * Sdett £ 700 ; Captain Britten . £ 1000 i Captain Col-U ? £ 600 Between 1830 an < i 1846 he had made many experiments upon which he expended £ 12 , 077 . The / e Splrlmentt , he 8 ay 8 were made « at the request « f the late King , the Government , and many noblemen lid gentlemen Connected with Government . The remit of t& . e " iperimenf was generally highly «^ J W and on two occasions a day was appointed on which final ffransements were to be made for putting Government in pofSon of my inventions , and for securing to me } SeConsideration , vi « ., £ 300 , 000 , and an annuity of £ 3000 . I attended the «« appointments , but have never he « n able to get any arrangement concluded . Mr . Lawrance . who appeared for the assignee , said there was no objection to the bankrupt ' s passing his last examinatio He believed the official assignee was satisfied

      n . Ai he Central Criminal Court yesterday , Mr Huddle * atone applied to the court to give the amount of recogni * Ses that should be entered into by Theresa Sloane , the wife of George Sloane , against whom the grand jury W Returned a true bill , for ill-using their servant , in the S ? nt of her being taken . The Chief Baron directed that Mril Sloane should enter Into * recognteanee of £ 500 , and that she should also find two sureties in £ 250 each . A fire of a very serious character took place at five o ' clock yesterday morning , in the extensive cotton-spinnine establishment of Messrs . Wallace , Waterhouse , and Thompson , situate in Chepstow-street , Oxford-street , Manchester . Notwithstanding the utmost exertions , the entire building w » s Boon enveloped In flamei , and very soon after became totally destroyed . The ^ -1 r 1 in « r was insured in the Phoenix Fire-office -for

      ,, £ 6000 The stock was insured in the West of England fire-office for £ 4000 , the Alliance for £ 4000 , the Iioyal Exchange 414000 , and the Manchester Assurance , £ 4000 —making a total of £ 22 , 000 . It is said that the I 6 » s will exceed the amount of insurance . The Newcastle Chronicle says : — " Reports have reached Newcastle that the Chancellor of the Exchequer is willing to reduce the tea duty ' 3 d . per pound on the 6 th of April next , and 3 d . each year for the ensuing three years . ' The duty on tea is now 2 s . 2 d . per pound , so that by this plan it would be reduced to Is . 2 d . per pound in and after 1854 . "

      Untitled Article

      The Ministerial crisis in France is ended at last . The Moniteur of yesterday contains the President ' s decree and signature for the following appointments : —Foreign Affairs —M . Drouyri de Lhuys . War-office—General Regnaultde St . Jean d'Angely . Marine and Colonies —M . Ducose , representative of the people . Public Works—M . Mague , late Secretary of Finance . Commerce—M . Boileau , member of the Municipality and Department of the Seine . Of the late Cabinet Baroche , Fould , Rouher , and Parrieu , retain office .

      Another decree , which is countersigned by the Ministers of the Interior and of War , revokes the decree by which the National Guard and the troops of the First Division were united under one command . This decree abolishes the post hitherto held by General ChanK'irnier , General Perrot takes the command of the National Guard . The troops of the First Division will be commanded by General Paraguay D'Hilliers . General Carele 9 will retain his

      post . The Commander-in-Chitf , General Baraguay D ' Hilliers , has addressed a general order to the army of Parifi . He explains the object of his mission ; he protest * that he will maintain the discipline which his predecessor has established ; that it is his intention to uphold the authority established by the Articles of War ; that he will respect and oause to be rrspectod the rights and powers established by the Constitution , and that he will give hi « energetic support to the authorities in the execution of the laws .

      M . de Remusat ' s motion in the Assembly on Friday , thut the members should retire to their bureaux to name a commission to prepare resolutions necessary under the present circumstances , was curried , notwithstanding ihe explanations of the Minister , by a majority of 330 to 253 . The Assembly accordingly retired to its bureaux at h » lf < -pust rivo o ' clock , ; a good deal of confusion prevuilod in the Assombly aftor thu Minister had left the tribuno . On Thursday evening M . de Broglie gave the Club of the Pyramids on account of the interview between the President and the chiefs of tho majority . He declared that tho language of the President was very parliamentary , that he expressed u desire to act in accord with the Assembly , but insisted on the dismissal of General Chungurnicr . These explanations are said to have caused much sensation . In

      private conversation M . de Brogue spoke in more discouraging terms . He uuid thm the AvHumbly was almost annihilated , and thnt tho Protident wm master of the future , if he knew how to use his power with moderation . In tho Assembly the excitement Lb subsiding . In the City of Cologne , once the head quarters of the Catholic movement , the ultra-montane candid-tie for the office of Fir-t l ) urgomnsler had only one Vote in the municipal council , while hki Liberal oppanont had twerity-< ight . Thin look * like reaction . " General Menu , " says a letter from Turin , dated Jan . 3 , " dieil at Aleppo , on , tho Uth of December , after a nhort UlntHS . Ho died a Mussulman , and thus reoeived « tl Ui <« honours due to his rank . " Tlu > ohief ttctorM in the proceedings ut Home , In M « y , l » Sli ) , wlmuthe coulWaionaUof thvuhuruhoH w « tc buruml , huvt- received sentence , Ciocryucohiy and Cftrlionurcllo , have been condemned to fifteen months of forced Iub 6 ur .

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      THE WORK OF THE DAY . In glancing at the progress of the countiy > last week , we saw that in commencing the second half of the century—after obtaining the Reform Bill for the middle class—the People , it still remains without political power , without the means of using its own independent exertions to better its condition , politically , socially , and ceconomically . The array opposed to these exertions in that behalf is formidable enough to create despair for the friends of the People , if we were to suppose that the Chartist experiences have been bought in vain , and that the People relied any longer on convulsive attacks on the huge compacted fortress of society . As well might any one working man think to take possession of England by walking up to Dover Castle , and dashing his fist against the ramparts . Opposed to the further progress of the working classes in the acquisition of independent power , stands the middle class , quite satisfied with the progress already made . The middle class , a large contingent of the special constabulary which vindicated its prowess so gallantly on the noted 10 th of April . Against any further progress of the working class , stands the body of the gentry and all the monied class , that is to say , those who possess influence , power , wealth ; who can persuade , intimidate , and bribe many and large bands of the working class to betray their brethren . Against them stands almost without exception the whole body of the professions , that is to say , the active , cultivated , and banded intellect of the country . Against them stands the immense body of troops .

      Now , though " sweet are the uses of adversity !" in order even to a convulsive elevation of a People , in order to a revolt , the great essential is success . You cannot do without it , even in such elevations ; and in any case you must work for it . . The working classes have learned this proposition , and now know , or at least a very considerable section of the most thinking men now know , that before any decisive step can be made in the progress of the working class , hard as it may be , much work remains to be done . It does not follow that it is to be slow work ; but if it is not to be slow , the diligence must be great . The nature of the work to be done is so clear , that it should stimulate exertion rather than despondency .

      In the first place , the People , strange as the expression may sound , really have to obtain their own concurrence . Yes , the one first thing that the Chartists have most especially neglected , is the work of obtaining the active and known concurrence of the great body of the People . The rushing out of the People in a riot will not serve . The mob docs but have a lark with the police , and go home again . The active interest , and therefore , the active concurrence of tho great body of the People , is only to be obtained in favour of a movement that shall bo beneficial to the great body of the People ; and not only be beneficial , but be manifestly beneficial to the meanest intellect , and also expressly preached to tho People as beneficial . Allgreat popular

      movements , including that led by tho founder of Christianity , have come before tho People with a profession , at least—and the profession is the point wo are now considering—of bringing to tho People an immediate , tangible , and most welcome benefit , such benefit as the . People would eagerly and heartily welcome—welcome as they would a feast or a holiday . Tho work of rousing thut Hort of interest , anu obtaining that sort of concurrence , by devising and planning a policy expressly and manifestly beneficial , in tangible , material , and immediate results , to the great body of the People , is a duty that haft been neglected by the Chartista , even to this ( fay ; and , without they fulfil that duty be forehand , they cannot successfully make any decJHivo step towurdu their progress to political social power .

      Most especially have the managers for thfc People neglected to consolidate an alliance with the great body of the agricultural p opulation . To say the labouring population of the fields is stink in the lowest poverty , to say that it Is kept from the land , when the land and labourer are both starving in default of working , is % o say that it is a deeply and a justly discontented body of the People . We have

      had signs of an aimless discontent in burning ricks j » still darker signs , in the reluctance of farmers to urge aloud their own claims on the land , lest the labourers should catch at the wordj and in some places the labourers have spoken out . But the organizers of popular power have not yet effected a thorough , understanding between the workers of the town and the labourers of the

      field . This must be done . The next duty , supposing we have the great body of the People to back the representa * tives of the People , is to discriminate possibili * ties : in their next movement , whatever it may be , it will be necessary so to direct it that it shall be capable of success , and , not by

      the necessity of its nature , certain to end in failure . Even revolution we say , cannot dispense with success ; it is an essential element . For example , it would not be a judicious exercise of discrimination if a body of working men were to attempt to storm the Tower or Windsor Castle . They could not do it . Whatever might be the merits or advantages of such a plan if they could not do it no imaginable benefits to be derived from taking the Tower or Windsor Castle could justify the strategy , because all those mer its and benefits would be walled off by the inevitable failure . You cannot reckon upon the benefits of what you cannot do .

      A further duty which they have wholly neglected , and we say it with hope rather than reproach , is that of putting their trust in high rather than in lower motives . No human power can be great , or stable , or happy , without its aspirations are high . But most especially no class that is comparatively ill-furnished with the wealth , the material power , and even with the cultivated intellect , which are so largely possessed by the classes compacted against them , can hope for elevation , unless it be through some influence still higher than those ; and that higher influence is to be found in generosity of soul and exalted patriotism . Of all classes in the world , the working

      classes of England are the best able to set a personal and collective example of truth , sincerit } ' , generosity , and noble mot've . Clear good to their country , not only to their own class but to the whole countiy and all classes in it , should be the policy of the Chartists—open speaking , noble soul , happiness , and good for all . It is quite possible even in our own day for a whole community to be animated by one sentiment . We have seen it in Hungary crushed entirely by alien troops , such as England , even the corruptcst classes in her , would

      scorn and hate to summon . Wo see something of tho kind at this very day in llessc-Cassel , where again Austria and Prussia hold up tho miserable Elector . But the fact instructive for ua is , that one patriotic sentiment , a desire for the good and freedom of the country , animates every class , animates equally the working body of . the People and the very troops by which the Elector is surrounded . Soldiern are by birth and relation working men ; and if the great body of the People ia animated by a broad , a noble , and an inviting policy , then no body of their class , not even the

      troops , will be alien to them . We have witnessed tho forbearance and ne \ fpoasession of the People in Hesse-Casael vindicating the law ngainst that Sovereign , whose forced restoration as an impenitent law-breaker , constitutes an usurpation ; for vindicating the law , tho upholders of the Elector are now bringing the Hessian citizens to " justice , " before courts-martial , and are sentencing them , mercifully , not to die , but to be beaten with Bricks . This shameful upoctaclu is exhibited to Europe , nml tho Hessians hutvo no succour ; for two reasons—because other nations are like the English People , which permits the existence of ft ( Jovernrnent that does not represent

      it ; and bocause , while these Peoples permit usurping ( Jovernrnentfl to keep up alliances amongst themselves , ho that any requisite amount of the official and military force of Europe , can be turned upon anyone niifion , --such as tho Hungarians , the Italians , or the llen-siuns , the Peoples themselven remain unallied , without mutual intelligence , without any consolidated power to eontnml the unworthy

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      Jan . li , 1851 ] ® De aeatocr . 35

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      There in nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Db . Abnold .

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      • " ^ SATURDAY , JANUARY 11 , 1851 . , _ ... „ . „ .-.... . __ ¦ --- ¦¦ - — - « -. — . * .. ¦ o— +

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 11, 1851, page 35, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1865/page/11/