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Leader (1850-1860), 11th January 1851, Edition Town of 1, Page 45, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      those who did not desire this could choose the mode of life that pleased them best : the business of the Protection of Labour league is with the helpless , to see that they be not crushed by the monster trams of competition , which , in their pantinff speed , grind and mutilate all that cross their path , and , finally , run in upon And destroy each other ! This is called " Things finding their own level" ! ; . . Is this picture too hopeful ? Take , then , the less

      favourable view , and say that it should prove difficult or impossible for companies of associated labourers to obtain loans from capitalists ; still they must not despair . Cooperation is still the harbour for which they must steer—organization still "llie pilot that must guide them . The voyage will no doubt be much longer ; but who that has heard of such sums as twenty thousand pounds , forty thousand pounds , eiehtv thousand pounds being saved by working

      men , and cast away on strikes , can doubt their power of forming their own Protection of Labour League , and ultimately emancipating themselves , by devoting their savings to the foundation of cooperative associations ? With such a land of promise before them , how great would be their energy ? While the men capable cT ^ tF ^ in ^ us ^ tryTtiie ^ obriety , the self-denial necessary for this first step , would surely prove the best and most practical guides to the rest of their suffering brethren . Then , if none else will help them , let them help themselves !

      As I take a very warm interest in all cooperative associations , believing cooperation to be the only hope of the labouring classes , I shall feel much obliged by your inserting these remarks on the subject in your paper . The principles , however , are all that I contend for ; the manner of carrying them out practical men must understand much better than I can . I would , therefore , anxiously call on all such to devise some means of divorcing mechanical power from capital and marrying it to manual labour ; of ending the warfare of competition and banishing

      gambling from trade ; of annihilating intermediate profits , and procuring for the hands that work the rise of capital ; of teaching men to prefer money ' s worth to money , and , as they possess the power of producing real wealth of every description without limit , of < Ioing so under conditions which shall render it honest and just for them—the producers—to enjoy the earthly Paradise which labour , aided by science , organization , and cooperation , * ha 3 the power to create . I am , Sir , your obedient servant , Maegracia Loud on .

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      MARRIAGE WITH A DECEASED WIFE'S SISTER . Morning-ton-road , Reffent ' s-park , Jan . 2 , 1851 . Sir , —The efficient aid you rendered to this important subject the last session , when this great question in which so many thousands of persons are interested was before the House of Commons , induces me again to solicit your assistance on the effort to be made , that it now passes the House of Lords and thus becomes the law of the land . The Right Honourable Stuart Wortley ( the present learned Recorder of London ) conducted this bill to a triumphant issue in the House of Commons the last session against every possible opposition from the High Church party , led on by the member for the University of Oxford , aided by the Roman Catholic priesthood in support of the dear old canons of the Church , so congenial to both ; and it was only through the aid—the powerful aid—of the Dis-Henter . s of every denomination , who , to their great honour be it said , united as one man , that the House of Commons allowed the bill to go through the third reading ; but it was even then at bo late a period of the session , that it was judged inexpedient at that time to hurry it up to the House of Lords . Will it , therefore , now be csrried successfully through that Right Honourable House ?—is the question which thousands of amiable and oon-Hcientious persons are now asking themselves . Will the High Church party in the House of Lords be so overbearing uud rampant now on this question as the y have been before ? At any rate let ua hope not . One thing is certain , there will not be any Roman Cutholie Mr . Shicl in the House of Lords to offer up his unmeaning rant to the great disgust of every right-thinking man .

      I have met with several very intelligent men who express their belief that a greut difference of opinion may bo expected just now on the subject of the Canons of the Romish Church , which are the only 5 > egs whoreon to hang the shadow of un argument , as defy the opponents of the bill to ilnd any authority

      in -Scripture for their opposition . Ihe Anglican Church may now abuse the Roman Catholics as much as they think proper ; but only touch the dear old Canons , on which the government of the Anglican Church is founded , and the parties immediately unite as if acting under a common bond , because touch the Canons and they fear that the temporalities of the Church will be in danger . With the aid , then , of the Liberal press of England , we may reasonably hope to arouse the country once more in the forthcoming struggle . The House of Lords is not impervious to reason , and when the same feeling is exhibited as was aroused the last year , we then may reasonably be assured of a successful

      . The bill will most probably be introduced into the House of Lords by the Earl St . Germans , better known in Ireland as Lord Eliot , the late Sir Robert Peel's able chief secretary in the Sister Kingdom ; and whilst we sincerely pray for his lordship ' s success , we know also that he will be supported in this , his arduous undertaking , by the prayers of thousands of innocent women and children , who have had already added one year of misery and uncertainty , from the House of ~ Lo rds not having passed ^ the bill the last year .

      Doubtless the arguments which have formerly been adduced in favour of this bill are yet fresh in the recollection of the public at large ; nevertheless , it is earnestly hoped that the friends of this salutary and just measure connected with the press , throughout the whole length and breadth of the land , will , as opportunity occurs , throw in their disinterested , but most powerful , aid . I remain , Mr . Editor , your obedient' humble servant , Alfhep .

      Untitled Article

      * " \ V « want u more Huarohing anil efficient organization for the iinprovtMiicnt . « f our poor . Thoie is no Junk of hund * and no Htint of inciuiH , l > iit our forct ; a uro Mcalteieil and wanted fogr want <> l o . oopiTatiiiii niwl aim . Wo have clergy mid DiueentiuK ¦ niuiriUM-H , mid ]) iuiHli oniiuira , mid union oftlcoru , and u&uitary olllrcrs , mill home inUbioiiiirivs , and ii ^ uhIh of innumiiriibli ' Hooicl . ii'H , i ' . ikI mi iirniy of ruto colli'i : t . i > rn ; but . with ciiiUuhh «¦* - |) fiiHi > , wit liiivo noun ulio tliink it tlicir Imii-uiu-kh to jret at tlin pooniHt in thuir own Imuiiln , unil draw them ono h \ one out of th « ulough . 'M — TiinvH . Nov . 30 , JH . W . + Why not tlioua * nd by thounund , and pluco th « m > n aolf-Biipnoi tlnjr vlllujfuH ? Why not , indeed , now that the Thunderer has dedarod thut organisation uud cooperation ure what wo want' /—M . I .

      Untitled Article

      MR . MUNTZ AND THE " TIMES . " Jan . 4 , 1851 . Sib , —In your number of the 4 th instant you have noticed a recent controversy which has been going on between Mr . Muntz and the Times . You have also an article on the Progress of the People , in which you make some observations on the state of things in this country from 1801 to 1815 . A part of these observations , taken in connection with the style and matter of your remarks on Mr . Muntz ' s plan , convince me that you have not paid that amount of attention to the subject of the currency that ought to be expected from a " Leader . "

      You seem cognizant of the fact that from 1801 to 1815 all prices were higher , and that those high prices lent an " activity to trade " and a " prosperity to those dependant on trade . " You might also have added to agriculture . This " activity " and " prosperity" you characterize as " fallacious , " and for which we " paid in a desperate price on the reaction of peace . " Why in this particular war did we enjoy prosperity ? To be followed by adversity on the restoration of peace ! A complete inversion of all former experience . I offer you an explanation . When the whole nation was seized with a mania to fight the French ,

      and when once at it must not yield , Pitt had to furnish us with the sinews of war—our gold currency was broken down , but our powers of production were abundant ; he therefore said , gold or no gold ; the subjects of this realm must have an instrument of exchange , and that , too , in a sufficient quantity ; they had it ; this caused our pro « perity during the war . ( a ) At the end of the war , Pitt being dead , his monetary system was subverted , to the great consternation of all thinking men ; and this it was that brought on the disasters which huve followed us continually since the peace , ( A ) which you » eem to tliink a " desperate price , " naturally owing to our former " fallacious

      prosperity . ' Mr . Muntz was one of those who opposed the destruction of Pitt ' s monetary system ami the establishment of the present on-e . lie recommends a circulation adequate to the wants of the nation , or such as will allow prices to rise to a remunerating level ;( c ) that circulation to be permanently adequate instead of fluctuating , as it does now , to the great insecurity of industry . What i « thero wrong in this ? Who profits by low prices ?(

      You advert to the , you forgot to state the fact thut the farmer contributes comparatively little to this encrease : the greatest portion arisen from ground rents , («) from enlargement of our towns . Estates in 1761 of jC / 500 per annum me in 1 H / H paying £ 100 , 000 , being built upon . You must admit that wages cannot rise unless the employer has the means of paying them . Let them huve the menus , mul then the worker will not he long before he will have his share . In the manufacturing districts the enlarged circulation that ban been allowed from time to time Iium gone mostly into the pockets of the master , because that circulation wa » not permanent , it being contracted by our present ubaurd lawH , just at the time when the workera wore beginning to feel the benefit .

      You have a confused idea that Mr . Muntz is a " conjuror , " when he supposes that a depreciation of 2 s . 6 d . in the pound will raise prices to a remunerating level . The ridiculousness of this lies in your own imagination ; depreciation is a slang phrase , which is applied to the paper pound , when you cannot buy 123 grains of gold with it . Deprive gold of its function as a legal fender , even partially , and it sinks in price with respect to other thing-. This is

      the reason why the fall in the price of gold , induced by the contraction of the circulation of £ 1 notes be - tween the years 1815 and 1822 , was lesB than one-half the fall of the aggregate of other commodities : it is certain that if you encrease tlie circulation of notes , as Mr . Muntz recommends , the prices of goods and labour will encrease in a much greater proportion than , the price of gold . (/) Its price , under Pitt ' s system , rose far less than any other commodity . I am , Sir ,

      your obedient servant , M . P . S . It is a much easier matter to dream in mental idleness of new and fanciful combinations of society than to patiently investigate the real experience of the past , recorded as it so often is by thoughtless observers , or worse than thoughtless factions . There is a great difficulty peculiar to this question , in ascertaining the real merits of Pitt ' s system , which had nearly been a perfect monetary system , but was assailed by Cobbett and others with the greatest virulence . I shall probably refer again to this subject , if it attracts anv attention from your readers . Social

      progress is not possible till this is understood ; we must have an organization of exchange before an organization of labour ; and an organization of exchange means nothing more or less than a rational , practical money system . M .

      Untitled Article

      SIR EDWARD SUGDEN AND PRISONERS . Queen ' s Priaon , Jan . 9 , 1851 . Sir , —The Times , on the 7 th instant , published an enormously long letter from Sir Edward Sugden , the object of which is to vindicate the Court of Chancery from the imputation of inflicting undue imprisonments for contempts , and especially from the Huspieion of detaining persons many years by mistake . This the learned gentleman seeks to do principally by recriminating upon the individual characters of the prisoners , whom he describes as a perverse and peculiar race who like imprisonment and desire to be reputed martyrs . Of comae there are two sides to this sort of argument , and it is usual to hear both sides when individuals arc made the subject of prejudicial remarks . Now , 1 am an individual pointedly alluded to in thin letter , and yet the Times has not thought proper to ins « it a letter of mine in answer , in which 1 show anecdotes quite as grossly ludicrous on the oth < r Hide of th «\ question as any that ate contained in Sir Kdward's let er : besides which , I give the names to my cases , whereas he dots not to his . Therefor * ' , us the Times does not patronize free discussion , but is suborned to one Bide , thib is to appeal to your known impartiality to ufford me u little apace in your next number for the purpose of goin ^ thoroughly into this Huliject , and of Milting the gieutlawye Su ^ di n to the bottom . And one tiling will result , which in this , thut it in

      not surprising that people complain of the law when it is eternally cobble < i and m < ndcd by thoso of i he craft who really do not understand it a bit to > well . 1 am , Sir , your most obedient servant , W . CoiUIKTT . [ We Hhall be happy to see Mr . Cobbett ' n statement , but bi-g to remind him of the necessity for making it ntt brief as possible . —J'Id . J

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      lm . n , JMiJ ...,,- !*•* ' * fUatret . 45

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      [{ a ) All the real prosperity durin ? the war wa 3 caused by the rapid extension of our manufacturing system , combined with a virtual monopoly of the world-market for our manufactured produce . ( b ) Since the peace every civilized nation in the world has been competing with us in the world-market , and consequently narrowing the field for our merchants . Hence continual reductions in the price of goods . ( c ) Before M . attempts to dogmatize on the currency question we should like him to explain what he means by the phrase " a remunerating : level . " Who are to be the judges of this ? Producers or consumers 7 ( d ) Were land and labour perfectly free , all classes would profit by low prices , where cheapness was the result of encreased facility of production . At present cheapness often causes a glut , but no alteration of the currency could prevent that . ( e ) The encrease in the rental of arable , not building , land duriug the last century , has been , in many counties , from two to three hundred per cent ., even at a distance from towns . Is this " comparatively little 7 " (/) How will you guarantee the requisite rise in the price of labour ? Wages did not rise with the suspension of cash payments , in 1797 , nor till the working class had suffered terrible privations for a number of years . —Ed . L . J

      Untitled Article

      LanJ ) Lawh . —When the era bus arrived , nt which — notwithstanding the < l <; lightB and enjoyments of u country life , the pleasures of proprietorship , the piivilcge of th < - quorum , and the right to miiK-nre poachers , and to kill gaini' - men obtain for their landed in vestments a much 1 « ' 8 H annual return than ought to bo affonlid by land — - then it bccoincu ni'CVHtniry for the Legislature to interfere , and by its action to ulter luws wjjich , in fettering property , or the |> uwcr of dioposin ^ r freely of property , work u oociul , economic , und emaciating evil to tu « wholft community . —Jhilish Quarterly , No . 24 .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 11, 1851, page 45, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1865/page/21/