On this page
-
Text (3)
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
-
Untitled Article
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
Untitled Article
from the Protectionists . ) Well , the moral L draw from this circumstance is this , that as great men our most distinguished men on both sides , upon this subject have unfortunately not been as sagacious as we always gave them credit for being , it is a reason why they should approach this subject not in a spirit of haughtiness and contempt—nor with an overweening confidence in their own judgment and information ; but that , seeing that a
most important part of the people of this country is in a state of continued depression , remarking the strange anomaly that that depression , that continued depression , is concurrent with what you call general prosperity , and which I accept as general prosperity ; that , observing these things , they will feel it their duty , in a spirit of more temper and more patience than they have hitherto shown , to proceed to investigate this great subject , and take that course which I think both justice and policy recommend us to adopt . "
They were told that this was not a fanner's question , that it was merely a question of rent . If the owners of the soil would only reduce their rents , or sacrifice them altogether , there would be no room for complaint . This was a most dangerous error . The truth was , that the tendency of all their late commercial legislation had been to ruin the farmer—to reduce the agricultural community to two classes—the proprietor and the peasant . I » et him not be understood as questioning the fact of general
prosperity . He accepted the description of the condition of the people , as given in the Queen ' s speech . Let him not then be met with reports of Poor Law Commissioners and registrars-general ; don't prove to him that pauperism had decreased and marriages had increased . All that only proved his case . He did not wish to attack the new commercial system , but to ask them to adapt the position of the owners and occupiers of land to that new system . Let no one support him under the notion that this was an attempt to bring back protection in disguise : —
" I , for one , cannot consent that the laws which regulate the industry of a great nation should be made the shuttlecock of party strife . ( Cheers . ) I say that if I thought I might by a chance majority bring back the system called ' protection , ' I would shrink from it . That is a thing which must be done out of the houBe , and done out of the house by no chance majority , hut by the free , unfettered expression of public opinion , and no other result can be satisfactory to any class , or conducive to the general welfare . "
But was there no way by which they could assist the agricultural classes , seeing that they alone were suffering , while all other classes were prosperous ? Out of the great mass of taxation , the three most considerable items—customs , excise , and local burdens amount to nearly £ 50 , 000 , 000 . The greater part of this was paid by the land . Nearly one-half of the Customs' duties is raised by restricting and prohibiting agricultural industry ; two-thirds of the inland revenue are raised by enormous imposts upon agricultural productions ; and seven-twelfths of our local
revenues are paid by direct contribution upon agricultural purses . Then there was the income and property tax , more than one half of which was levied upon landowners , whose rents have been reduced , and farmers who are making no profits . He did not come forward with any specific measure of relief . That was the duty of the Ministry . It was intolerable that , in a period of general prosperity , a suffering class should exist ; a class suffering from unjust legislation , and that no steps should be taken to improve their condition : —
" This House has now an opportunity which ought not to be lightly abandoned—a golden occasion which it is not easy to find paralleled in the records of any Parliament of England . They may perform a great office , and fulfil an august duty . They may step in and do that which the Minister has shrunk from doing . They may terminate the bitter controversy of many years . They may bring back what Lord Clarendon has called , ' The good old temper of the people of England . ' ( Cheers . ) They may terminate this unhappy controversy between
town and country . ( Hear , heat . ) They may build up again the fortunes of the land of England—of that land to which we owe bo much of our power and freedom—¦ which has fulfilled the union of those two polities , for combining which a Roman emperor was deified—itnperium et libertas , and this not by favour , not b y privilege , not by sectarian arrangements , not by class legislation , but by aaserting tbe principles of political juatice and obeying the dictates of social equity . ( The honourable member concluded by moving his resolution , and resumed his seat amid loud cheering . )"
Sir Chahi . kh Wood thought it was rather unreasonable to ask the House to come to any definite conclusion after the very " hodge podge speech " they had heard . Every subject which had been dismissed in connection with agricultural distresa during the last five yours had been thrown into that medley , except one—the condition of tho agricultural labourers . In 1849 the advocates of agricultural protection rested their whole case upon the injury which free trade had done to the lubourer . All that was forgotten now : —
" The honourable gentleman ban now brought forward this question with an anxiety to omit that subject , because e * erv argument and prophecy brought forward oy honourable gentlemen advocating those views have Deen signally falsified . I do not Hay there may not bo ¦ orne parishes or unions in which this improvement has « oc tanen plaoe , but 1 assort broadly und without four
of contradiction that the agricultural labourer never in the memory of man was so prosperous as at this moment — ( hear , hear )—and even where a reduction of wages has taken , place it has not been commensurate with the advantage the labourer has derived from the reduction in the price of his food and necessary luxuries of life . " The effect of this improvement was visible in the diminished cost of pauperism . During the two years ending at Michaelmas last the reduction in the expence-was £ 802 , 000 . In Ireland the number of persons receiving outdoor relief had diminished from 1 , 419 , 000 in September , 1848 , to 370 , 000 in September , 1850 . It was true that the money wagesof the labourer
were lower now than at some former periods , but the fall in the price of all articles of food enabled him to live better now than when food was dear . As for the landlords , he could not believe that there was any great prospect of a break up among them when he found that rents were giving way so very little . Much complaint was made of the burdens on . agriculture . The half of the customs , they were told , was raised * ' by restricting and prohibiting agricultural industry . " This referred to the prohibition upon the cultivation of tobacco in this country . The truth was that the entire market value of the tobacco imported in Great Britain annually did not exceed
£ 500 , 000 , and for this sum they were called upon to give u ' p £ 4 , 500 , 000 of revenue . A similar burden on agriculture was the £ 15 , 000 , 000 or £ 16 , 000 , 000 a-year raised from malt and spirits , although everybody knew that these taxes were mainly paid by the consumer and not by the producer . As for the attempt to relieve the landed interest by a transfer of a portion of the local burdens from real property , it was little or no good to the agriculturists , while , on the other hand , it would transfer a portion of thj ose taxes from a class well able to bear them , to the community generally , many of whom were not so well able . He was not in favour
of any great change in our fiscal and commercial system . Looking at the working of it since 1841 , we have abolished or reduced taxes yielding £ 10 . 763 , 000 a-year , and imposed new taxes amounting to £ 5 , 655 , 000 , leaving a balance of reduction amounting to £ 5 , 158 , 000 ; and yet in the face of that repeal of taxes the revenue had increased £ 4 , 726 , 000 since 1841 . Again , look at our exports , Mr . Disraeli had referred to 1846 as a year of great prosperity . In that year the value of our exports was £ 57 , 786 , 000 ; whereas last year they would not be less than £ 70 , 000 , 000 . He concluded by calling upon the House to reject Mr . Disraeli's motion , which was substantially the same as that of last year .
Mr . Hodgson contradicted the flourishing statements of Sir Charles Wood . They would not apply to Cumberland and the adjoining counties . There were hundreds of workmen out of work in Carlisle . The onlv remedy for the prevailing distress was a large reduction of taxation , and he would support any motion for that from -whatever side of the House it came . Mr . Gkantley Berkeley and Mr . Sandaus both complained of Ministers for their indisposition to give any relief to the agriculturists .
The debate of Thursday evening was much more animated than that of Tuesday . The Protectionists had mustered in great strength , and the disorganized condition of the Irish section of the Ministerial party caused much apprehension among the Whigs as to the result of the division . The Marquis of Gkanjiy opened the discussion by trying to show that the condition of the labourer would be better with dear than with cheap food . Sir J . Guaham followed in an elaborate speech full of statistical details toprove the benefits of free trade , especially to the mass of the people . He warned the Protectionists to be on their guard . " They may convulse the country , they may
endanger property , they may shake our institutions to their foundation , but there was no power in England which could permanently enhance the price of bread . " ( Hear , / tear , andcJiecra ) . Mr . Bookishas Mr . Cobden subsequently remarked— " plunged into the wide ocean of statistics , without compass or rudder , " where we shall not attempt to follow him . He was followed by Mr . Lahouchrkk , and Mr . Caiu > - wbu opposed tho motion , and Mr . Cayi . by , Colonel Dunne , Lord Joohxyn , Mr . U . Coouuank , and Mr . Moore supported it . Mr . Cohdkn warned the Protectionists against engaging inn new strife with the wants and will of the people . Tho real way to relieve the farmers was to reduce the Government
expenditure . Lord John Jutbsiii-i .,, who was evidently alarmed at the threatening aspect of the House , said 44 if he were not persuaded that much more than the embarassment or even the fato of a Ministry was involved in tho result of the diseussion , lie should not think it necessary to speak lit any length on the question . '* He warned the Protectionists to beware lest they threw tho country into confusion , and paralyzed trade by an insane attempt to restore Protection . Mr . Disuaki . i ridiculed tho notion that there was any danger to the country in carrying out his motion . Tho Quccii ' b speech had admitted that the agriculturists were suffering . What more just und proper , then , than that the Ifouso should show its readiness to relie ve that distress , if possible . Ho concluded a speech full of wit und burcuHin , directed mainly against tfir Churlen Wood ,
Mr . Cobden , and Lord John , by calling upon the House not to be moved by the mock terrors which Lord John affected to feel . The House having divided , the numbers were—For the motion 267 Against it 281 Majority 14 The announcement was received with much cheering by the Protectionists .
Untitled Article
Parliamentary Reform . — In reply to Sir Joshua Walmsley , Lord John Russell stated , on Tuesday evening , that Ministers do not intend to take any steps to extend the suffrage this session . As to the deficiencies of the Reform Act of 1832 , said his lordship" I have , on a previous occasion , expressed my op inion to the House that there were certain amendments to the Reform Bill which I thought it was desirous to make , with a view to the extension \ ni the franchise . { Hear , hear . ) I still retain that opinion , and I shall certainly carry it out when I think the proper time has arrived for doin ? so . ( ' Oh , oh ! ' and loud laughter . ) " The Patent Laws . — Sir George Grey stated , on Monday evening , that the Attorney-General is at present engaged upon a bill for a general alteration of the patent laws , which will be introduced when properly matured . A temporary bill is also to be introduced by the Vice-President of the Board of Trade , for the purpose of giving protection to patterns , designs , and inventions during the Exhibition , but for that single object only .
Untitled Article
THE DOTATION BILL . M . Piscatory ' s report on the Dotation Bill was presented to the Assembly on Saturday . The total amount required for the President turns out to be altogether 3 , 425 , 000 francs ( about £ 140 , 000 ) , whereas the mere salary fixed by the Constitution is only 500 , 000 francs (" about £ 24 , 000 ) . The committee contend that the President has no need of such an aJvance of salary to enable him to maintain the suitable style and dignity of the great power with which . he is invested . To give so large an income , they allege , would place him in a position out of all proportion with those around him , in a country where property is so much divided . Much as they desire
to maintain the executive power they have no wish to aggrandize it . The Presidency is not Royalty . The President is only the first citizen . He is not the head of the state , he is only the head of the Executive power . This sentiment was received with much approbation . Last year a supplemental salary was voted in the hope that the prudence of the Executive power would respond to the benevolence of the Assembly . It sacrificed its fears , lest the Dotation should become a means of influence—a political instrument to the desire of maintaining harmony between the two powers of the state . That confident expectation had not been fulfilled , and the Assembly , justly alarmed , could no longer keep silence .
M . Piscatory having concluded his report , a discussion took place as to whether the debate on the bill should be fixed for Monday or Tuesday . Ministers were in favour of delay , but the Assembly decided , by 358 votes against 306 , that it should take place on Monday . Generals Cavaignac and Changarnier both voted in the majority . In the discussion on Monday , M . de Iioyer , Minister of Justice , said the Government did not make it a question of money , but of the highest political order . M . de Montalembert was the eliiof speaker in support of the Dotation . " He did not
come forward as the advocate or friend of the President , but as a mere witnese , and he declared , with his hand on his heart , that Louis Napoleon had faithfully accomplished the mission he had received , of restoring Bociety , reestablishing order , and repressing demagogy . " lie went on to denounce the Republic , which , he contended , had been overthrown by the election of Louis Napoleon . 44 Six millions of citizens , in elevating to the Presidency the kom of a King , and the nephew of the lOmpcror , morally killed the Republic . " lie warned the majority not to persevere in their present hostile course , or they would Ivave cause to repent in 1852 . The peasantry will naturally Hay " The Whites huv (» always disagreed , let us name the Rod . " Then , France will neither have tho Krnpire nor the Parliamentary majority , but Socialism . M . Piscatory , who closed the debate , disclaimed all hostility to the President . Tho Assembly only wished to give a lesson . The question , having been put , the ballot gave—For the Dotation 29 i Against it ' {<)(» Majority .... 102 In anticipation of the rejection of the bill by the Assembly tmbscriptionu were in course of collection in different parts of the country for tho purpose of supplying tho deficiency which would be created by such an adverse vote . Tin ' s fact haying reached the enrs of the President of tho 'Republic , ho caused an official notification to be inserted in the Monittmr of Tuesday , expressing bis great obligations to thoso concerned in this spontaneous manifestation of sympathy ; but declined to receive any sncli generous contributions , choosing rather to make a personal sacrifice than endanger the rtmowc of the country .
Untitled Article
Feb . 15 , 1851 . ] &t ) C &ta * tt . U 3
-
-
Citation
-
Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 15, 1851, page 143, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1870/page/3/
-