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Leader (1850-1860), 22nd February 1851, Edition Town of 2, Page 177, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      the party dies during the existence of the policy , and the office has paid the claim , his widow and children will still have an interest in the annuity and educational funds , and he fully entitled to participate in them if at any time reduced . To prove that all these objects may be effected with commercial security , the Trafalgar Assurance Association refers to the sums of money which have been honourably realized by nearly the whole of the assurance offices already established . For instance , an office established in 1806 has declared

      its profits in 44 years as amounting : to £ 743 , 000 . Another , commencing in 1821 , has realized as the profits of 28 years £ 770 , 000 . Another , in 1834 , from the profits of 16 years has realized £ 207 , 000 . While three others established in the years 1823-24-25 declared , in 1849 , as the profits of five years , 1845-46-47-48-49 , sums amounting respectively to £ 270 , 000 , £ 188 , 000 , and £ 139 , 000 . Had these offices been constructed on the principle of the " Trafalgar , " they would now between them , be in a position , not only to grant two hundred and twenty-one annuities of £ 50 each to the distressed shareholders or assurers , but also to educate or apprentice eleven hundred and fifty-five children ; leaving at the same time a considerable sum as interest on the capital invested .

      Such are some of the latest applications of a Life Assurance . Nor do we see how a man can stand acquitted for neglecting in some way or other to avail himself of their advantages . By such neglect he deprives himself of that peace of mind which is essential to the successful transaction of his duties , and subjects himself to continual distraction respecting thefuture . What a feeling of proud satisfaction is it for a man to reflect that his savings throughout his life are really providing permanently for his posterity : and on his death-bed what an incalculable consolation must it be for him to know , as he looks on his weeping wife and helpless offspring , that by his provident care be has shielded them from destitution and want .

      Such considerations must have their influence on the minds of all thoughtful men . Every person holding an influential situation in society owes it as a duty to his fellow-man , to inquire into and recommend whatever plan may be suggested , and proved to be productive of even a trifling benefit ; and we are sure that every philanthropist , if he reflect , will consider it one of his first duties to encourage his fellows to avail themselves of the advantages of these most useful and beneficial institutions of civilized life .

      Untitled Article

      THE GRUEL QUESTION AT BARHAM . The Times Commissioner , sent to inquire into the workhouse revolt at Barham , makes the question turn upon the workhouse dietary . To such paltry issue is the industrial disturbance of a whole county brought—nay , of two counties . The Commissioner holds the paupers to be clearly wrong , since they are allowed , in the workhouse , ample amounts of bread and gruel at breakfast and supper , yea , even seven ounces of bread and twenty-four of gruel ; at dinner , of bread even eight ounces , with an ounce-and-a-half of cheese ; but that is not all . for

      on two days in the week do they not have five ounces of cooked meat and twelve of vegetables ? Cooked meat and vegetables ! Twice a-week ! Do they get that out of doors ? You see it could hardly be greater , since the very ob ject is to make the workhouse " repulsive , " by keepin g the diet below the fare of that imaginary being "the independent labourer . " Free-trade may have made provisions cheaper , but it has not yet raised the labourer of Norfolk and Suffolk to fuch a level as would justify a richer diet in the workhouse— under the repulsive plan .

      IV i ^ 'Oinm * 8 H'loner holds , therefore , that the ¦ Harha m paupers were clearly in the wrong—they ought to eat [ bread ] and drink [ gruel ] and be merry [ within bounds ] , and be grateful to a gejierouB public , &o . But they are not quite to - anie : they were put up to it : they were crowded "to the workhouse , just before Mr . Disraeli ' s I > ute , ° « purpose to be many , and unruly , and "" nonstrative of " agricultural dititreHs" in hysterics . riiaps HO : the Insminh . IZmnrfisa *> lr > itrlv nIi / iwn

      J « ac the fanners did like to crowd the workhouse , "II rents should be lowered ; the motive being impress the landlord with the ruinous state of unngH . fur ^ e llad alrea ( 1 y intimated as much , with the labou rea 8 on ' that tho farmers like to keep the <~ in L at tlie I > nul ) er level » because then they culli £ f T ^ nt the Pa" !** level : virtually , they «» vate their land with pauper labour , the coat

      being called " rates" or " wages" according to the season . Yet Suffolk is not over peopled , if the Parliamentary Returns may be relied upon . It contains nearly 900 , 000 acres of good arable , meadow , and pasture land , and only some thirty or forty thousand labourers . So there is land to be worked . But the farmer replies that he is helpless , his landlord grinds him down so hard . Thus is it ever

      the same vicious circle—landlords making farmers bankrupt , farmers making labourers paupers , paupers turning idle , ill-fed rioters , and the idle land exhibiting " the results of our boasted competitive system" —a system that boasts of setting man against man , and preventing the concert which alone can make distribution of employments thoroughly fruitful . ( Economists sow the whirlwind competition , and reap the workhouse storm .

      Untitled Article

      THE PAINS AND PENALTIES BILL . Meanness and impotency characterize Lord John Russell ' s whole course from the Durham letter to the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill published this week . In the statute we learn unmistakably the malevolence of his intent against the Roman Catholics ; but when he comes to the point of legislation , we discover the impotence of his resources . The bill is intended to prevent the use of episcopal titles , and to deprive the episcopal officers of the Roman Catholic church from an official immortality , by

      rendering them incapable of receiving endowments ; the Attorney-General declares that the bill will also have the effect of preventing synodical action . This is persecution , and if the Roman Catholics submit , they will be placed in a more degraded and helpless position than any sect in the United Kingdom . There is no other sect whose office-bearers are debarred from using the titles appropriate to their offices j no other sect is debarred from permanently arranging the funds necessary to its ecclesiastical

      organization ; no other sect is debarred from the synodical action of its dignitaries . We have the synod of Presbyterians at Belfast , the conference of Wesleyans , and the committee of Congregational Dissenters in England . Such privileges—allowed to the meanest sect in point of intelligence or numbers—are denied to a sect which comprises some of the oldest families , the most accomplished persons , and the most orderly classes in England .

      For we are saying nothing of Ireland : there the bill must be absolutely suspended , unless Ministers wish to provoke a rebellion—the " civil war" under dread of which the Duke of Wellington emancipated the Roman Catholics . The Whigs dare not disemancipate them . One part of the new bill , indeed , is incompatible with an existing statute in Ireland . The Morning Chronicle calls this to mind . The Charitable

      Bequests Act has expressly authorized funds to be vested in commissioners , for " the maintenance and endowment of bishoprics and deaneries intituled , designated , and described" as districts in which ecclesiastical functions are exercised : the new bill , which applies to " Great Britain and Ireland , " enacts that any such vesting of funds shall be null and void , and forfeit to the Crown ; that is , any funds applicable , " directly or indirectly , for or

      towards the endowment or maintenance of any archbishopric , bishopric , or deanery intituled or in anywise designated or described as an archbishopric , bishopric , or deanery of any city , town , or place , territory or district in the United Kingdom . " The bill , therefore , is designed to conflict with the Charitable Bequests Act , which is overridden but not expressly repealed . What is the reason for that evasive mode of tfoing backwards ? Meanness ,

      meanness . It does seem impossible that the Roman Catholics in England will be merely submissive . They cannot but perceive the total impotence of the measure . Its parade of legal exactness and comprehensiveness only exposes the points for attack . As Mr . Peel observed , it is but another illustration of the futility of attempting to coerce mind by statute . The dishonesty of the agitation which Lord John set going is reproduced in the feebleness of the measure : the

      pretence was , the necessity of resisting a political aggression ; the real object of fear was , a mental , moral , or spiritual influence : the bill will only force the Roman Catholics to strengthen their moral influence , as the substitute for those legal guarantees which Lord John seeks to withhold from theirs alone among all the sects of Knglund . They have been politically passive , and they see the consequence : the weakest of England ' s MiniaterH is placing hitt foot upon their necks . Will they let him ?

      Untitled Article

      XIBERTY TO POISON . Sir George Grey and Sir Charles Wood seem to be playing at cross purposes . Sir George proposes to introduce a measure imposing restriciions on the sale of arsenic . Sir Charles refuses to impose any restrictions on the dealers in coffee , including , of course , under that name , any kind of poisonous mixture sold as a breakfast beverage . Sir Charles says " the buyer must protect himself . " On the same principle , might he not ask the Home Secretary to leave the people to protect themselves

      against arsenical doses ? If Sir George will persist in throwing obstacles in the way of the poisoner by arsenic , who is easily detected , and Sir Charles is resolved to let the trade manufacture any kind of poisonous mixture under the name of coffee or tea , one may easily guess what course the poisoners will take next . Let those who believe , with Sir Charles Wood , that the buyer is able to protest himself , read the article entitled " Poisonous Breakfast Beverages , " by a practical workman , in another part of to-day ' s paper .

      Untitled Article

      ! THE POOR PRESIDENT . i Louis Napoleon has sent his stud to a Parisian Tattersall . Anon he will cnll in the auctioneer into his cellars , the canvassing Champagne bottles to be knocked down to the highest bidder . Next comes the turn of the copyright of the Miles Napoleonienncs to be sold for what they will fetch . France is to be blessed with a cheap President . Subscription lists are opened at every other shop in the faubourgs : Date obolum Delisario . The Dix Deuernbre is sending round its hat . But , lo ! the " nephew" can afford to be magnanimous : Noloepiscopnri . The President cannot live on sour grapes . Destitution will do just as well for him : in fact bftter . He will not alone be the

      poorer for the hard-heartedness of a jealous Assembly . Many an habitue will miss the luxuries of the Elyseeboard ; and as for the Paris garrison , will not the remembrance of last year ' s Champagne madden their thirst at the next review ? Never was poverty turned to richer account : the supreme magistrate out at elbows ! promenading his squalor and misery along the Boulevards Poor President , indeed ! See if the Assembly and the whole nation are not made to rue their shabbincss at the next election ! Subscription-lists , indeed ! "I ^ lury in my pennilessneas , " says Louis Napoleon , " and likes to bo despised ! "

      Untitled Article

      TUB HIVAI . H . Competition visits the highest : Lord John Ilussell has been cut out in his newest agitation , for Mr . iJion Dmireicault haH a better knowledge of stage effects . Sixtus V . is far more effective ! than the Durhum letter . The happiest passage in that epistle must pale its ineffectual fire before the startling effect of " Act the Third— ' The ^ cil of St . Ursula . ' The Convent of Ave Maria "—with cathedrul music—the lovely Agnes about to bury herself

      for ever in conventual seclusion—the . secret husband rushing in , bearing oil' the veil , and standing with that round one arm , sword in tho other hand , hero of the " tab-low vee-vong , " at which the galleries roar with sympathy , and the whole audience shout with Protestant furor . It is thrilling . Lord John lain had crowded audiences , but Bouroicault is the man for rousing the liritish lion . His dialogue too beats the debates hollow ; but then lie has it nil his own way , which Lord John has not . Quite the reverse .

      Ikuore the second rending of his bill , Lord John . should go down to the Olympic Theatre and study : t few ( fleets he might bring a cardinal ' s hat and pallium down to the House ; or send Home " hurried Hudson" to Home , to bring back a wanderer ; and then , hero of the piece , Lord John , might runh into the House with tho rescued Gladstone fainting on his shoulder , and stand , amid tho thunders of appluuiic , across the prostrate form of Lord Arundel and Surrey , the « : entr « of the most striking tablcnu vivant ever ucvn ou any boards .

      Untitled Article

      Feb . 22 , 1861 . ] Qlt ) t ILeabtt . 177

      Untitled Article

      THE " TIMES" AND THE IIBEL LAW . The verdict of the j ' ury , in the case of Wilks versus Lawson , is virtually a decla ration that the press must not employ censure , however just , however mild . It must not even record . Any person—to use the definition of a . libel once given from the bench— " whose feelings are hurt , " may sue for libel , and if he o btain not damages , may saddle the journal with costs— " oh ! word of fear !" The 7 Vm 0 . » had recorded the escape of two prisoners from gaol , and noticed the very grave suspicion that there must have been connivance . Wilks was not

      named ; that there was any desire to injure him specifically would be the wildest of fancies ; but before the article appeared he was dismissed on suspicion . The amount of practical injury done to him by the writing is rated at a farthing ; but a farthing carries costs—not quite so little as a farthing . The Times can afford to pay for its vindication of justice ; but every journal is not so well off in funds , and the whole press ought to feel grateful to that one for keeping the lead in this behalf .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 22, 1851, page 177, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1871/page/13/