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    Untitled Article

    Perhaps of all the new books we hear seriously discussed just now , the Letters on Man ' s Nature and Development , by Harriet Martineau and H . G . Atkinson , is the most prominent . People seem uneasy—when they are not alarmed—at it ; and this is explicable . The open avowal of Atheism and denial of Immortality are enough " to give us pause . " There are—we are glad to think it—so few persons who share those opinions that the avowal must necessarily create pain among

    Harriet Martineau ' s friends and very numerous admirers ; but we roust think that they are singularly misplacing their sympathy when they express their sorrow for this daring act on account of the " injury it will do to her reputation . " This is the almost universal expression . It was for the first unreflecting moment our own ; a calmer consideration showed us it was unworthy . What has reputation to do with truth ? "Who that promulgates a new idea does not hurt his reputation with the upholders of the reigning creed ? Are we to ask of

    our " reputations" what it befits us to believe ? Are we to believe and be silent ? No , no . The pain , if pain there be , is to see one honoured fellow-voyager on the shoreless sea suddenly part company with us because she believes that the land lies in a direction totally opposite to the one we make for . Pain such as that we all have known ; we all must know . What is our duty ? Shall we alter our chart to suit hers ? Shall we destroy her because she will not sail by ours ? Or shall we not rather bid her a mournful farewell , and say God speed us

    all!" There ' s somewhat in this world amiss Shall be unriddled by and by . " Meanwhile , courage , hopeful endeavour , loving earnestness , and perfect sincerity will surely guide us to a quiet port . The book itself we should have reviewed before this , but for the pressure of other matters . We hope next week to be able to treat it with the gravity it deserves .

    Another book also lies reproachfully upon our table , deferred week after week for want of clear space : we allude to Social Statics by Herbert Spencer . We remember no work on ethics since that of Spinoza to be compared with it in the simplicity of its premisses , and the logical rigour with which a complete system of scientific ethics is evolved from them . This is high praise ; but we give it deliberately .

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    Certainly the spread of Socialist views has been amazingly rapid since the establishment of the Leader ; and one of the most agreeable symptoms is the increased attention accorded it by influential journals . The article in the Edinburgh Review is now followed up by a very candid paper in ( Chambers ' s Journal , wherein the writer suts forth the leading positions of the Edinburgh Reviewer and of our reply . Nothing but good can issue from discussion when conducted in such a spirit . A valued correspondent' —Mr . J . W . Hikcii —¦ has objected , " in good 8 < : t terms , " to our allusion to the Concordat , and refers to Mr . La ing , whom wo haver praised highly ( though we never thought of endorsing his opinions ) , as uu authority against us . Our position was that the blind horror Protestants have for Catholics prevented any diplomatic urruiigeinentH with the ; l ' ope . The dread of priestly aggression is not new in Kngland , nor is it peculiar to this or to other Protestant countries . The inoBt zealous Catholics have everywhere protected themselves against this evil , and have dona so under more disadvantageous « ircurnntahceH than Protestants . Notwithstanding the Pope has uniformly protested against all treaties in which Church property and privileged were encroached upon , yet

    the Catholic Sovereigns never hesitated to sign such , and to avow them as binding on themselves and their subjects ; memorable instances are the treaties of Westphalia , in which the military orders of St . John and the Teutonic Knights were secularized , and the former made a Protestant order , numerous bishoprics made Protestant , and abbeys suppressed j the treaty of Luneville , in which the destitution of the clerical electors of the empire , Mayence , Treves , and Cologne , was pronounced , and which was concluded between France and Austria without our participation .

    In the treaty of Vienna , which we guaranteed , the equality , civil and religious , of the three confessions , Roman , Lutheran , and Calvinist , is solemnly affirmed , and the lands of the Teutonic Knights were added to the Crown of Austria as part indemnification for the Suabian lordships . On these occasions the Catholic potentates acted in virtue of their sovereignty , by which they deciare they have the power to control the church in administrative matters . That this principle has become the law of Europe is evidenced by the suppression of orders , the alienation and appropriation of church lands in Austria , Spain , and Pbf

    fcugal . When . Joseph II ., by an Imperial ordonnance , suppressed more than 1100 religious houses , and alienated their estates , the Pope went in person to Vienna to remonstrate . He celebrated mass at St . Stephen ' s , but carried no other point . The people were with the Sovereign . Of these estates the Emperor Francis tl . made what is called the political fund . One-third of the revenue was especially appropriated to roadmaking , one-third to schools and education , and one-third to improve the condition of the parochial clergy .

    On the death of the Princess Henrietta , consort of the late Archduke Charles , a Protestant lady of the house of Nassau , the Capuchin friars who have the charge of the Imperial vault at V ienna refused to admit her coffin . The Emperor sent word that if the monks did not take it in he would send a detachment of his guards to put the coffin in its place , remarking that " she had spent her life amongst the family and should stay amongst them after death . "

    King Louis of Bavaria suspended his Court chaplain for preaching against Protestantism and Protestants in an unseemly manner . The Archbishop of Munich must celebrate the royal nuptials , although the Uueen of Bavaria is invariably a Protestant . Catholic countries in such cases are in the awkward position of arbitrarily destroying the political power arrogated by the Papal see for itself and clergy , and thus protesting de facto against the Pope ' s claim to infallibility .

    Protestant countries are better situated . Where diplomatic servants worthy of the name have been appointed an arrangement has not been refused by the Pope , by which , where he cannot command , he is content to accept , and to agree to be bound by certain stipulations . Such an arrangement is called a Concordat . Prussia , Holland , and Bavaria have such . In each the mode of electing bishops where the I ' ope only has a veto , but where the Government has a veto also , is fixed by treaty .

    The number of sees is fixed , and to add to them , except by a fresh treaty , would , be a breach of the Concordat . Thus in Holland the Bishop of Utrecht , in Prussia the Rhenish Westphalian and SilfiHian bishops are the pastoral heads of the Catholic population , while the Protestant provinces are territorially freed from their jurisdiction . A Concordat in thu « an agreement for fair play , not only between rival powers , but between differing creeds .

    Why , we are entitled to ask , did not those English Ministers who guaranteed for all those countries equality of religious rights , not settle our relations to Home in this simple and effectual manner ? Is a Concordat too fair a measure for Englishmen ? Was there ( and in there still ) u

    lurking fear of the titles of confiscated lands being inquired into ? But the church property has every where been confiscated , and nobody dreams df restoring it . How did the Swiss afiswe ? the demand of -Austria the other day ? What h&b Austria herself done in this way ? On precedent , Woburn and Westminster lands are equally secure . There surely can be no good policy in having so large a mass of our countrymen as the Catholics without religious organization * The Emancipation Bill answers that question .

    Why is it , then , that we are in a scrape with this new cardinal ? Simply because our Government is a string of expedients , in which all appeal to principles is strictly ignored or knowingly evaded . Our dl * plomatists are burtglers , our foreign Ministers jobbers in political speculation .

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    In German Literature we hear of nothing new . In French but little . Paul Feval has given us a new romance , La Fee des Greves—the best we think he has yet written , because while abounding in " incidents" and romantic perils , it is free from the atrocities of character and crime which usually serve him as the spices for his dish . Jules San- > DEAtr , the charming novelist , has been following in the old track and turning his novel of Mademoiselle de la Seigliere into a comedy . Oh ! this manufactory , this crambe recocta , this recooking of

    cabbage , what a sarcasm it is on the literature of the age ! Invention is too costly . Who invents now ? or , having invented , who contents himself with setting it forth once , and then patiently trying to invent something new ? As scientific inventors take out patents forbidding any one to use thei * discoveries for a term of years , so do dur littera- * teurs use up their inventions ( not being particular , though , as to whether the inventions are theirs !) in every shape and under every name they can invent : yes , therein now lies the " invention "—to find new names , new shapes , new clothes !

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    D ' ARLINCOURT ON ITALY . L'ltalie Rouge ; ou L'Histoire des Revolutions de Rome , Naples , Palerme , 8 $ c . Par le Vicomte D'Arlincourt . W . Jeffs . To the two books , in which Messrs . Macfarlane and Cochrane treated the late Italian revolutions so contemptuously , we may now add a third—L'ltalie Rouge , by the Vicomte d'Arlincourt . Doubtless , the object of all three writers was the same—to paint in odious colours the efforts which Italy has made of late to reconquer her freedom , and drive away the foreigner . But the two Englishmen endeavoured to show that they wrote according to their own convictions , whereas the French writer does not blush to exhibit himself as the instrument

    of the most terrible enemy Italy had then , —of the cruellest oppressor she has now . It was at Naples , in the King ' s palace > that the Vicomte d'Arlincourt went to seek his inspiration ! Not only is the spirit of L'ltalie Rouge different , its plan also is different from those of Messrs . Macfarlane and Cjchrane . The two Englishmen only wrote the history of those parts of Italy which they visited , either during the revolution itself , or soon after ; whereas the Vicomte d'Arlincourt , who only resided for a short time in 1850 , in some few Italian cities , pretends to write the history of the entire Peninsula , from June , 1846 ' , to April , 1850 .

    What with his haste , his habit of novel writing , his worship of the King of Naples and his principles ( by the side of which those of Messrs . Macfarlane and Cochrane would be as ultra as Chartism ) , the old worn-out novelist has composed a revolting satirical romance upon those noble revolutions or a great People , whom many events in 1848 and 1849 have proved to be worthy of the glory of their ancestors . lie thus traces the origin of the revolutions :

    " AH the tlcmoiiH of anarchy hastened to »!»<> P '" ' ^' moniuin of Switzerland ; and ' towards the year ' « : ' » thoHe powerH of iniquity who nought to aholinh the *" and could not . aholiHh the poor , who laboured to destroy the family , homo , the rights of property , and religion . » J order to replace them by isolation , ruin , noeptioinm , »¦» nothingiu'HH ; Uiohc barlmrouti regenerators who nAul God hiiuxclf : ¦— ' Awfty with you !'—bhofle MaisSsini a » tneir grand-manter .

    " That future Triumvir of Home , driven out of * rat \ c in cniiHcquonce of three murderH , took up hia » " ° " ' t Helvetia . At liin HuinmoiiH the Carbonari ohang « 4 ™ form and name : they called themflclvoB « Young Aiuiy-

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    Critics are not the legislators , but the judges and police of literature . They do not make laws—they interpret and try to enforce them . — Edinburgh Review .

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    I 178 ® t > * !*«»»* . [ Satordav ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 22, 1851, page 178, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1871/page/14/