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Leader (1850-1860), 8th March 1851, Edition Town of 1, Page 229

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      Untitled Article

      Now , I see it defined -with as much distinctness as profundity in Robespierre ' s Declaration of Rights , thus : — " Liberty is the power belonging to man , to avail himself , as best he thinks , of all the faculties with which he is endowed : Justice is its guide , the Tights of others its limits , nature its principle , and the law its safeguard . " Notice well the word Powek , for it embraces a whole doctrine . . Right , Power ! There is the same difference between those two ideas , as there is between theory and practice , between abstraction and reality , between a shadow and the substance . For of what use is it to tell a paralyzed man that he has the right of getting up and walking ? He wants the power . Give it to him , you physicians who wish to pass for something more than quacks ; and he will bless you .

      The question is therefore reduced to the means of finding out which is the social or < ler of things , in which every one could best develope , as he likes , all his faculties , without injuring the development of those of others . Into what new world does that doctrine pretend to lead us , —that doctrine at the end of which so many ignorant people show us , -with , a terrified air , the compression of every spontaneous emotion , the crushing of every exaggerately ruled regime : " The discipline of a convent , " as M . de Lamartine somewhere said , or the government of Mehemet Ali , " as M . de Lamoriciere only lately phrased it from the Tribune ?

      < The world , in the midst of which they endeavour , under such a variety of aspects , to portray the spectre of despotism , is the one ; in which , owing to a general , gratuitous , and obligatory education , every citizen would be permitted to exalt himself as highly as possible , by his intelligence and heart . In which , therefore , vices , crimes , and misfortunes , created by ignorance , would be crushed at their very source . In which religion would consist of a philosophical and sincere application of the immortal laws of the Gospel . In which the principle would be admitted , that all men have an " equal right to a perfect development of their tmequal faculties , the instruments of labour would , as do the atmosphere and the sun , belong without distinction to all . In which the hypocritical despotism of usury would

      give place to a gratuitous credit , as a debt of all towards each . In which the domains of iudustry and of agriculture , instead of presenting the spectacle of a battle-field covered with ruins and dead bodies , would be fertilized by fraternal associations solidarity united amongst themselves . In which the distribution of labour , and the division of its fruits would be based on that principle which is now the constituting principle of the family , viz ., each producing according to his faculties , and each receiving in proportion to his wants . * In which the individual interests being inseparably united to that of all , emulation would cease to be provoked by envy , cupidity , pride , and hatred . In which public wealth , whose blind and anarchical competition retard progress , would receive from the harmonious combination of

      aptitude and strength , indefinite growth . In which that crowd of parasitical agents , whom the separation of interests , and their antagonism alone render necessary , would not hasten to devour the substance . In which fraternity approaching the peoples , after having approached the individuals , would lead to consider war as an atrocious folly , and end in a suppression of the standing armies . In which the state would be but an assembl y of devoted and intelligent men , freely chosen by their equals , in order to play , — with respectto society , — the part which the head in the human organism plays

      with regard to the body . In which the impost would be but a portion of the common benefit appropriated to things of general usefulness . In which the misdoer , being considered to be diseased , people would think less of avenging themselves upon him , than of sheltering themselves against him , and less to torture than to cure him . In which , finally , progressing civilization in driving away the wild beasts , and tending to the entire destruction of their race , would also succeed to destroy misery , and with it all vices , crimes , and misfortunes of which it " 8 the source _ "

      buch is the Now World : lot us now see how despotism could gain access to it . In such a social state : of things , the community at lar ^ t :, being called to watch over tho existence of each of its members , the children would grow up , under the fostering cure of their parents , without being exposed to suffer from the poverty of those Parents . Hence , no more unhappy little benign compelled to work for their subsistence , at the tender nge

      <> ' Heven years , or to prostitute themselves at hcvoiit ( ' « i » ; no more infanticide through misery ; no more U ' » hospitals for the reception of those mothers K'mMiiHiing their maternity ; no more turning-boxes < 'ontrivC ( l to uphold the chastity of women who , in hi' < : ritiei the fruit of her womb , retains at , most but the power of blushing . And tlms for thousands of benign would exist the liberty of living in lieu of the most hiii barons despotism already at the very tlne" Iw . ld of lift , t l J

      lueatioa being common , gratuitous , ( or the ad-^"" t'tge of the infant , uml obligatory , iuiiio would » 'ivo to complain of that ntunting of the mind , of i' 1 'it companion of the heart , by which the despotism i gnorance is reveuled ; none would be deprived of mt education which i « to the freo development of "jo man , what water is to tho free development of l > lnnt , f ) . l

      All useful functions being acknowledged as equally honourable , and their diversity not having for its effect to put the enjoyments on the one side , and the privation on the other , there would be no obstacle in the way of any one , chosing a function best suited to his tastes and aptitude ;—a man born ( as was Louis XVI . ) with no higher order of intellect than would make a locksmith , would not be placed at the summit of the state thus to become a prey of the scaffold ;—a man , born a genius , would riot be condemned from his birth to the stupifying necessity of shaping , his whole life through , at the rate of twelve hours a-day , pins' heads ; so that accidental despotism would be entirely erased from the classification of social functions , and replaced by the first of liberties— the Libertv of Vocation .

      1 he distribution of social enjoyments would no more be regula'ed according to hierarchical ranks ; those ranks , whichever they be , would no more confer privileges , and moreover would have—hierarchically speaking—other superiors , but those whom he himself was interested to elect , such as they might be . Hence , there would be but disinterested biddings on the part of the one , and voluntary obedience on that of the other . How , then , could there be despotism ? And how could liberty be better promoted ? Let us interrogate the present society , and let us seek in it the history of the Free Man .

      Scarcely has the son of the poor man entered life , when he meets , standing on hi 9 sill , an implacable , mysterious , but a thousand times more cruel despotism than all the despotisms wearing a human face , which at once seizes upon him as its legitimate prey . Do not ask whether nature has endowed the newlyborn child with a taste for arts , with a passion for science , with the flame of genius in its brain : is the mind and soul of the poor not prospectively condemned to be prematurely stunted ? Do not inquire about his vocation—does not misery claim the son of the poor man as his own ? Misery , that stupid , blind , and deaf tyrant , which , in the distribution of labour imposed upon its victim , never troubled itself about ascertaining his aptitude , or even his strength ? But there is for the child the age of carelessness and

      of play ; that age , at least , is left to him undisturbed ? Will he be permitted to inhale the fresh air , to freely enjoy the space , and run sportively about in the sun ? Oh , no ; already he has exhausted his germinating strength to increase by some few farthings , painfully earned , the insufficient budget of the family . But what the } r do allow him to breathe , instead of the pure air impregnated with the perfume of a thousand flowers , is an atmosphere charged with cotton . Adieu ! open space ! Adieu ! generous sun ! The nei ghbouring manufactory wants the unhappy child , and he , perhaps , will not leave it until he reaches the age of twenty , with a body already enfeebled , a face prematurely lengthened and blanched , and a back bowed down with the decripitude of an old man . But now begins a new phase of his liberty : he is a soldier . And the soil on which neither himself nor

      his kindred have even a stone of their own upon which to repose their head , and which soil they who are the owners forbear from defending at the price of gold—he , poor fellow , is obliged to defend at the risk of his life , exceedingly happy if they only send him against a foreign enemy , and do not compel him to march against a barricade of his own country , there to kill his compatriots , amongst whom may be his own father ! When the time of his military service is expired , we see him earning bis living as well as he can ,

      working during ten hours a-day merely to avoid starvation , eternally coasting along the shores of hunger , lingering between illness and want of work ; we then see him entering the matrimonial state and begetting children , whom he must provide with food , risking to renew , not in the solitude of a dungeon , but in the open air , before the eyes of his fellow-men , amidst festivals , standing near sumptuously-furnished tables , Ugolino ' s dismal episode — " Once old . il" permitted to ltow old , let . him quickly die !

      For , verily , death in the happy commencement of Iiih liberty . " Such is the history of a T ' reeman in the present society . O matchless derision ! () canting hypocrisy ! In ( lie new social order of things , — would be enjoyed : — Neither tin . ' liberty of encroaching upon the rights of his brethren , in the enjoyment of the vast domain which God has given to humanity ; nor that of

      monopolizing the instiuiiuntH of labour , thus ensuring to one ' s self the means of enjoying the fruits of labour , in excluding the labourer ; neither the liberty of submitting the nun to the capital , i . e ., the living riches to the dead ones ; nor ( hut of growing rich ( an St . Anibrosius very energetically said ) by the misfortune of oiliciis , to profit l > y their tears , or to feed one ' s self upon their hunger ; nor the liberty ol arming the half of the poor population , and by ils aid repressing tho other half .

      If these are liberties souks people dread to bo deprived of , let them have the courage to declare il ; let them take off the mask , and dare to recommend to our lenity the liberty of being a tyrunt ! Wherever the reign of individualism in established , wherever thoro are » men , whom nature 1 ms made unequal both in strength and intelligence , who regard each other almost liko enemies , contend with each

      other amidst implacable competition and universal confusion ; iri short , wherever , as at present , antagonism of efforts , instead of an harmonious and fraternal association is manifested , how could everyone be allowed to do what he likes ? This would be sheer anarchy , which , after all , is nothing but a tumultuous oppression . Hence , what does it matter to me , whether tyranny is practised by way of commandment or by that of laisserfaite ? In both cases it

      horrifies me , and when it ( tyranny ) strikes , I do not look at its mask , but at its blows . That , in virtue of false order and oppressive rules , the assassination by usury should run its course , or thaf , in consequence of anarchy , a brigand should murder on the high road unarmed travellers , is and will always be tyranny , and I do not feel disposed to greet with the beautiful name of liberty , either the legal rights of Shyloek , or the superiority de facto of Mandrin .

      Liberty ? Oh ! let it at least be defined philosophically , plainly , and perfectly ; let it not be separated from its divine companions—equality and fraternity ; let it be acknowledged that , if it really is to be in existence , it is necessary that it should belong to all , to all without exception . —But this , citizens , is . . . . LlBEETY THROUGH EaUALITY .

      Untitled Article

      [ The letter of " Ion" to the Chartists on " Feargus O'Connor and Features of Modern Chartism" stands over this week in order to give place to the admirable speech of Louis Blanc ]

      Untitled Article

      ' NATIONAL CHARTER ASSOCIATION " . The Executive Committee of this body held their usual weekly meeting on the evening of Wednesday last . Present : —Messrs . Arnott , Grassby , Holyoake , Hunt , Jones , Milne , and O'Connor . G . Julian Harney was absent from severe indisposition , and Gr . W . M . Reynolds through other unavoidable engagements . James Grassby presided . Correspondence was read from a delegate meeting held at Bingley , also from North Lancashire , Paisley , and Stockport , disagreeing with the postponement of the National Convention later than March ; from Newcastle-upon-Tyne , approving of the Convention being held in June ; also from Bermondsey , disapproving of the " Convention Fund ; " and from Farnham Royal , Manchester , Norwich , and Willenhall , on general business .

      On the motion of Messrs . Jones and 0 Connor , it was agreed ( Messrs . Hol 3 'oake and Hunt dissenting ) " That , owing to the recent change in the aspect of political affairs , and in accordance with the expressed desire of many localities , this committee summon the National Convention to assemble in London on Monday , March 31 , instant . " Ernest Jones then read the address , and Thornton Hunt the programme of business , as agreed to by the sub-committee ; and , on the motion of Messrs . O'Connor and Arnott , the same were unanimously adopted , as follows : —

      THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTHE TO Tlllilll HKOTHKR CHAHTISTS . Events have transpired since we last addressed you which render it imperative that , in accordance with that paragraph of the resolution passed by our committee , on Wednesday evening , the 19 th ultimo , a Convention should be called at an earlier period than the one therein named . We , theicfore , feel it our duty to summon a National Convention , to meet in London , on the 31 st day of March , iritttimt

      Chartists , you have now an opportunity of recovering the ground you lost by your apathy , within the last two years . The middle classes are now stepping forward as the advocates of political and financial reform . Arc they to win this battle-- and theirs—alone ? And while ariHtocracy is paralyzed—while oligarchy totters—are you not prepared to take your stand on the political arena , under the banner of Chartist organization , for social rights ? Will you abdicate political power entirely into the hands of cotton lords , merchants , bankers , and farmers ? { Shall they be relieved from taxation—shall the burden bo

      tdiiftcd from their Btioulders , to weigh more heavily on your own ? Shall they get . all they want , and you not . even ask for anything ? Up , Chartists , the time in come ! You can an easily obtain concessions as the middle class . At . the very moment , when it was never more in your power to ol > iain a hearing , and command respect , than at present —now , of all other times , will you lie apathetic ? VV « - postponed the Convention till June—and we did no with heavy hearts—hecau-e we found that , you were unprepared ; because ? we said , better no Convention at all , than one that shall reflect , discredit on the enune by the puueity of its numbers , and the poverty of its funds .

      The representatives of a . people must not he the pen-HionorH on private charity , —they must not only be Hcnt , they iniiKl . be supported by their localities . The only c . liiince h convention has of milking 'in imprcHhion upon other clnnscM is when those clat * seH know thai they nro sent , by the millions , and thi ^ t the millions support them , watch them , look up to them , and rally around them . A failure in n convention does as much harm In public entimution aa yearn can often not repair . Therefore , we postponed tlie meeting of your delegates . Now we buiiiinou it in the hope that the stirring events of the day will have , revivified the hearts of toil . Now we hurry it , in the trust that you are aroused at last , for , if you do not now line And right the battle of labour , we feel convinced you never will .

      Untitled Article

      oiieu * "d intcUoctl * al want * , ol coureo , us wolf ue uhyeicul

      Untitled Article

      March 8 , 1851 . ] & %$ $ Lea %$ x . 229

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), March 8, 1851, page 229, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1873/page/17/