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Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
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eive policy set up a barrier against the help of others ; it even made enemies , or , at least , increased indifferentism . The other policy made no enemies , and if it made no friends , it had the merit of deserving them . What was the value of their constant watchword Fraternity , if they bound themselves by the cold and narrow maxim of not helping any who did not see what they saw , or go as far as they went ? The working classes , with all their crudeness and impatience , had always been credited with having a generous side in their nature , and was the Convention in its first act going to declare that this was an illusion ? The politicians
without , who observed that movement or calculated its force , knew of what men the body was composed ; and they could calculate to a few months how many years those would be in learning wisdom by experience who could not learn it by precept ; and it was clearly seen that there was little hope of progress within the body . They must die out ( urged Mr . Holyoake ) unless they admitted new blood into the localities . To do this , they must have a fraternal side deeply and broadly marked ; but to pass their present resolution would " be a fetter upon all who were generous within their ranks , and prevent the adhesions of any who were without . It involved the unstatesmanly alternative of prostration or rebellion .
Mr . Thornton Hunt forcibly and emphatically supported Mr . Holyoake's view ; and the Reverend Mr . Duncanson , of Falkirk , a gentleman whose share in the deliberations of the Convention contributed much to elevate its character , also ably confirmed the arguments recited . But , besides these three , the assembly took the other side of the question . From what transpired in debate it appeared that all other members were previously directed to take a course of opposition to that vague Ogre , the Middle Class . It was in vain to reason against foregone determinations . Perhaps it was too much to expect so great a change in opinion as that , Fraternity from being a name should be translated into acts .
Once when Mr . Holyoake was in Newcastle-on-Tyne , he was announced to delivery political address to the Chartists . He found the placard headed by that astounding line , — " Awake , arise , —or be for ever fallen !!!" He struck the line out , and the innovation was deemed despotic . Mr . Holyoake had seen the same line used in a similar manner fifty times ; and , as when it had to be used the second time , it was plain that the people had not awaked or arisen on the first call , it seemed to him absurd to call upon
the public to " awake and arise , " forty-nine times after they had " fallen for ever . " But it seemed quite rig ht to the good Chartists of that sulphurous district . It was what they had been accustomed to , and , therefore , they clung to it . In the same spirit the Convention adhered , in the matter of the middle class , to the spirit of that policy to which they had been accustomed ; but in other respects , to be recounted next week , they did many things to which they had not been accustomed , which redounds to their credit and to the public service .
As fur as the upper clauses are concerned it matters little whut tone the Convention held : it was only of importance as far as the progress of the people is in question . Nobody cares to conciliate the middle class . The middle cIuhh are not wiser than the ¦ working classes , and will probably misinterpret the feeling which holdH out the flag of fraternity in night of thoir camps . We ought to be both above their misinterpretation and their indifference , if » uch exist ,
and confine ourselves to our own line 01 duty . 11 the middle clans have unity and purpose they can do very well without the working class . They can govern whenever they take it in their heads , in spite either of the aristocracy or the people . It is only the ubsonce of class enthusiasm among them that loaves them in any way in need of the popular voice . Ab matters Htund we may consider fraternity a pure question of duty on our part , which will bring uiivantngen higher than policy . Ion .
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Tim John-ktkhkt Institution . —On Monday evening the eleventh anniversary of tlii » innt . it ution was celebrated by a Hiipper and ball . Mr . U . J . Holyoake delivered an uildrcss , in which it appeared that the iimt . itulion had gained £ 100 during the punt Lulf year . Thomat ; Cooper , W . J ) . JSuid , Mr . Uroen , j Mr . 11 unhurt , and J . ( Jramp took part , in the proceeding * . npmiknig in favour of thi ; erection of u larger inntiltition . MiiMOUV oi' HoiiKHiMicauK . —A Noiroe in oelebrntion of the memory of thia Htatemiian was held at . ' John-street on Tuesday evening ; various addrcMHCH were delivered on the occasion .
Ukdumi'TIon ISooikty . -It . nuiHt . be remembered that . the election taken place on April H > . Then : in only one candidate , so that , the voles inuHt be taken uh to whether he iitu lit and proper portion . If a majority vote the utiirmative he i *» then elected . Those who wish to have balls , Ac ., ut JiluHtvr , ought to have their arrangements completed by thin . . Leeds lian been unable lo procure a miituble room , and is compelled to postpone it . till VVliii-Hiintide . Moneys received for the week endiikg April 7 , JH / il : -- ! , (¦ , < 1 h , £ 1 4 s . lid . ; Halifax , per Mr dialler , £ ft 10 * . 10 il . ; Coventry , per Mr . Slnifll . bot . hain , £ 1 <> n ; lliulilei-Klicld , per Mr . Vraticc , IOh . ; Jiradford , per Mr . Boys , IOh . Communal Building J «' und : — Halifax , ncr Mr . Chaffer , 7 » . Od .
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There is no learned man but will confess he hath , much profited by reading controversies , his senses awakened , and his judgment sharpened . If , then , it be profitable for him to read , why should it not , at least , be tolerable for his adversary to write . —Milton .
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REPLY TO MR . SPENCER'S VIEWS ON PROPERTY . London , March 24 , 1831 . Sir , — "Will you allow me to occupy a small space in your Open Council to reply to the views of Mr . Spencer , quoted in No . 52 of the Leader , in relation to the social possession and use of property ? Allowing it to be true , as Mr . Spencer observes , that there would be " a breach of equity " in awarding to every man , irrespective of the amount and quality of his labour , an equal share in the produce obtained—this does not in the least invalidate the social view of the ca « e . This social view presupposes conditions which Mr . Spencer , in common with its opponents generally , overlooks . It presupposes for those who are associated socially—1 st . That they have placed themselves , or have been placed , in a position in which they can practically follow out the injunction to "love one another , " without injury to themselves . 2 nd . That they are all actuated by the social or truly Christian spirit which will cause every one in whom it has been produced , to desire for all others every benefit which he desires for himself ; and which will impel each individual to do , and to feel pleasure in doing , the best in his power to perform a due proportion of the work of the society , or association of societies , of which he is a member .
3 rd . That labour , both by the agreeable accessories by which it will be the study of wise social communities to surround it , and by the earnest desire of civih individual to be useful to his associates and to be respected and loved by them , will be made agreeable and voluntary . 4 th . That , by well-ordered arrangements , the production of a full amount of produce of various kinds , to supply all plentifully , will be made easy and certain .
Under these conditions—and it may easily he shown that by a right course of proceeding they may with facility be realized for any possible number of wellordered coinmunitieH—old world considerations of mere " rights and duties" ( which , however , will be useful transition-cheeks upon selfishness ) will give place to the social or truly Christian consideration of the happiness of all ; and inert , women , and children will have no more disposition to higgle over , or
measure out , the exact proportion to which each is ( intitled by what he has done ( with Htrength and skill which he did not himself create ) , than brothers and wiHtorn , with true brotherly und sisterly feelings , or well-bred companions in a friendly pic-nic , would now scramble for the largest share in" a repast in which there was more than enough for all , or would be greedily required by the largest contributors to the general provision , to give to them the bent or the largoBt platefuls .
Mr . Spencer , also , in . bin argument from the instinct , of acquisitiveness , overlooks the iiilluciiccH which cultivated reason iindnoeial feeling ' -, combined with wisely-ordered social arrangements , will exercise over the instincts of educated human beingH : an influence which will make that npecies of individual accumulation for which men so eagerly struggle in the preneiit low mental and moral state and illordried social condition , as needless and undeMied as
tin ; bottling up and hiding away of water would now be where there is a perpetual Jibundnnt . spring open to all . A < qui . sitivenet-s will then have nothing to do in the present more selfish direction , but to collect , what iM required for the personnl wants of en .-h ; but , acting in concert with caution , it . s near neighbour in the brain , and , with the noeial feelings , it will impel mankind to accumulate a general provision uguiiibt Huoh contingencies an muy then bo deemed ponsible .
An examination of the facts which h * ve been exhibited by the various incomplete systems of cooperation which have already existed ( and especiall y of the very imperfect cooperative communities now existing in the United States of North America , and which , notwithstanding their great imperfections , are most successful in producing general union , good feelings and conduct , and abundant wealth for all their members ) , and a due consideration of the -effects of knowledge and improved circumstances upon human nature , and of the experience which has been
acquired of the causes of good and evil , and of the means of preventing the evil and producing the good , together with an acquaintance with the enormous productive powers which society now possesses—are the grounds upon which the preceding statements are confidently made , and upon which it is confidently believed that the Divine scheme" is something far more elevated for man , than a low struggle for mere selfish accumulation and gratification , or the government of mankind by mere calculations of " equity . " Henry Tkavis .
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ROMANIST LIBERALITY . Manchester , April 7 , 1851 . Sir , —I am one of those who greatly admire the courage with which you have fought for the rights of Roman Catholics , as you would have done for those of Protestants had they been similarly assailed . But it is well that those who think with us should know the real opinions of Romanists themselves on the great question of Toleration , or more properly of the Right of every man to form his own religious creed . With this view I would call attention to an article in the Rambler for March last , entitled " How shall we meet the Protestant Aggression ? " contenting myself with here quoting the concluding sentences of that article : —" All that we plead against is the adoption ,
in any measure , of that preposterous cant of the age that the secular power , as such , is bound by its duty to God to extend equal toleration to all religions , irrespective of the peculiar circumstances which may attach to each separate case . To say that every man has a right to adopt such religious creed as he pleases , is untrue ; to say also that the temporal power is never called upon , to put obstacles in the way of the propagation of religious errors , is also untrue ; but it is perfectly true that the English law pro / eases to tolerate vs ; and on that ground , as well as on our indefeasible rights as the only true church , while we meddle not with the claims of the sects about us , we take our stand . " The italics are as in the original . I abstain from comment . Yours , &c , M . E . N .
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THE MANNER IN WHICH ANTI-PAP . AL PETITIONS ARE GOT UP . Sir , —I am resident in a large drapery house at the West End , and have just happened to witness how bigotry gets up petitions against the liberties of the People . Two large imposing-looking sheets of paper , with a grand flourish as a heading , were placed on a table at the upper end of the shop , to which the sliopurenwere called and directed to attach their signatures . The great majority did so , without inquiring into the nature of the petition ; others seemed proud of the opportunity of signali / Ang ^ themselves by signing their names to a document which would go up to Parliament ; and two or threeof the more reflecting refused . The boys , porters , and servants were then callod forward , and told that the object of the petition was to prevent the Pope from coining to burn them in Smithncld . Of course they signed their names with terrified eagerness . I observed also that the petition contained nearly twice as many names as there wt > re persona employed in the establishment , which clearly proved that fictitious names had been added . If thia be the way in which petitions are generally got up , they are of very little value as indicators of public feeling . Your obedient servant , F . R .
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PRIZE JTC 8 SAYS . li > . Mulberry-terrace , Leeds , March 23 , 1851 . Slit , —T have noticed with pleasure the propositions for competitive Khhujh b y your Constant Render . 1 was desirous of making an effort , but waH deterred by not comprehending with sufficient clcnriwHH the conditioiin on which the prixcH are to be awarded ; and I think n more detailed statement of the Hiibject would be of service in enabling coinpetitoi'H to ground the precise question they are to treat . Jle . ing a working mechanic , I can assure you that opportunities like the present are of j » it ; ut value to thoHc among uh who are incapacitated by a higher tiiHU * from enjoying a tup-room resort , ; while our Hooiiil po . sit . ion exclude ^ \\ n from those ranka of society from _ whose intelligence ) we might hope to profit ; refusing ucceptam e of the former , and the latter being inaccchHible , a put of our HurphiH tim « would be well employed in the relaxation literary effort uilorda from manuul toil . Yours respectfully , Jno . Wudmiu .,
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352 ®!) * & * 8 tT >?* ^ [ Saturday ,
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[ In this department , as all opinions , however extreme , atie allowed an expression , the editor necessarily holds himself responsible for none . ]
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Leader (1850-1860), April 12, 1851, page 352, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1878/page/20/
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