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being satisfactory to the water companies ought to satisfy any one that it was not adapted to meet the wants of the public . Mr . Hume had no confidence in the new scheme . The only way by which the supply of water to the metropolis could be increased , and brought down to the rate at which it was supplied to the larger towns , was by allowing the competition , of new companies , with new capital , and deriving their supply from new sources . The
monopoly of the supply of gas to the metropolis had been broken up , not by Government taking the different gas companies into their handa , but by allowing other companies to come in , and then the existing companies reduced their terms to a fair rate . Sir B . Hall thought the bill would do more harm , than good . Instead of breaking up the present monopoly , it would render it more powerful . Lord Ebrington regretted that such a proposition as the present bill should have emanated from a Government which had
done more for the cause of sanitary improvement during the short time they had been in office , than all preceding Administrations had done during many centuries . He objected to the scheme , because it proposed to give up the union of the water supply with drainage , and because of its alienating the monopoly of supplying water from the community to private parties for commercial purposes . Sir W . Cxay contended that competition could not be applied to the principle of water supply . He admitted that the poor of the metropolis were ill provided with water ; but this arose from no indisposition of the companies to supply it , or from any deficiency of the article , but because the proprietors of small tenements refused to take
means of supplying their occupants . He defended the water companies against the charges of extortion , waste , and extravagance , and expressed his perfect confidence in the fair dealing of the Government and the House , which , by acting unjustly towards the companies , would only injure the country . The question was entirely one for compromise , which would be the cheapest , as well as the fairest course . Mr . Mowatt objected to the scheme , that it contained no provision for a new source of supply instead of the present impure one , and that it made the suppliers of the water responsible , not to the consumers , but to the Government . Sir George Grey having given explanations on one or two points , leave was given to bring in the bill .
The House met on Thursday at six o ' clock , and engaged in a tame debate upon the used-up question of Jewish Disabilities . Mr . Newdlgate began the opposition . He put forth nothing new whatever ; but he managed to get into a personal squabble with Mr . Roebuck , in whom he implied a lack of the religious sense . Mr . Roebuck wanted to know what Mr . Newdegate meant by taking reli gion for his guide . The House called itself Christian , but that did not alter the morality of any of the Members . The Scotchman , the Englishman , and the Irishman had each fought for his belief . They called themselves Christians , but they had not forborne to cut one
another s throats . The Solicitor General was put up to reply to Mr . Wigram and Mr . Newdegate , reiterating the old arguments ; and he was followed by Sir Robert Incjlis , who thought that if the Jews did not like being excluded from Parliament they ought to quit the country . Colonel Sujtiioup raised a point : What would be done with Baron de Rothschild , supposing the bill passed into a law , and he refused to attend on Saturdays ? Lord John Russkll wound up the debate without saying anything he had not said twenty times before , or intimating what would be done by Ministers if ihe bill were again rejected in the Lords . The second reading was carried by 202 to 177 . The Lords did not meet till Thursday , and then sat only a . short time .
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Tin : Sunday Tjiai > ino Bill . —This bill , which in at present in committee , does not seem likely to pass through it very soon . On the order for going into committee upon it being- read , on Wednesday , Mr . Anstey strongly opposed the measure on the ground that it was oppressive , and that it was chiefly directed against clauses who did not uokkcrs the elective , franchise . In reference to the second cIuiihc , which putiLshes by a line of 20 s . the hawking or soiling of certain articles of food after nine o ' clock on the Sunday morning , Mr . Anstey uairf " milk and cream , if hold before ten and after * ' . 'me o ' clock , were exempted ; hut while they were so careful of the spiritual welfare of the milkmaids he should like to know what was to become of the Holes of the
fishmongers ? Why wan any exception made in favour of milk and cream ? " He finished by moving that the bill be committed that day six montliH , but the amendment was not preased to a division , it being undemtood , however , that the debate should he adjourned for a fortnight . ' JSt . Ai . han ' h Kiuujtion . —The House of Coinmontt ban resolved , on the motion of Lord John Russell , to address her MnjeHty , praying her to issue a royal proclamation ottering a reward " for discovering , apprehending , and detaining George Waggett , John ileyward , Jamea tfkeggn , and Thomas IJircham . " A abort demiltory discussion took place regarding tho beat way of putting an end to such corrupt practiced aH those which have come to light at St . Alban ' a . Mr . Jluino contended thut the only tiuro remedy waH the extension of the BUilrage .
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ELECTION AFFAIRS . There are two touchstones for county members ; Protection and Anti-Romanism . Certain good folks of South Hants hold that Lord Charles VVellesley won ' t stand the test in respect of the first ; and the North Hants electors object that Mr . Portal is '' nowhere " as regards the second ; Lord Charles votes for Free Trade , and Mr . Portal votes against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill ; therefore , both are politely requested not to trouble the" electors at the next election . The Salisbury Journal states that Lord Henry Cholmondeley will come forward in connection with Mr . Portal , and that Mr . Lefevre will be sent to the House of Lords . The Honourable E . Coke has received notice to quit from the electors of West Norfolk , who are bent upon returning two Protectionists at the least possible expense to the elected . Mr . Urquhart has been down to Stafford , shedding a doubtful light upon home and foreign questions over the minds of his constituents , but mainly upon the Papal Aggression . He had to vindicate his vote , being one of the minority against the bill ; and true to the bent of his mind on all subjects , he insisted that the Papal question was neither political nor religious , but simply—diplomatic .
The Belfast Liberals are not at all pleased with the proposal of Sir J . Emerson Tennent as candidate at the next election ; and the mercantile interest have , it is said , determined to support Mr . Mulholland , the head of the first commercial house in Ireland . The Protectionists , we also learn , think of starting Lord Suirdaie for Tipperary .
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L ORD C L ARE N DON AND THE P OPE . A letter copied from the Tablet has been published in all the morning papers , attributed to Lord Clarendon , and , in its semi-official style , acknowledged by the Globe . It is also said to have been sent to Lord Shrewsbury , and evidently intended for the Pope and the Cardinals . Assuming these reports as facts , we find Lord Clarendon complimenting Lord Shrewsbury upon the tact and judgment he displayed in certain
conferences with the Holy Father and the Cardinals . Dr . Murray is praised as the " beau ideal of a Christian pastor , " and Dr . M'Hale condemned as an illdisposed demagogue . As to the colleges , Lord Clarendon says the most complete and deliberate mistake has existed and exists with respect to them at Rome . The objections of the bishops had been met by concession both from Lord Heytesbury and himself on all important points ; and yet the clamour against them still comes from Rome .
Mr . Freeborn is objected to at Rome , Lord Clarendon thinks not justly . But , he asks , " What we ought to think of the Government of the Pope , who , in violation of the rules for ihe nomination of bishops , sent here a man like Dr . Cullen , whose only object has been to destroy the colleges established by the Legislature , and maintained by the State , and to extinguish the national schools , in which 500 , 000 of the poorest classes are educated , without an attempt to provide for the deficiency of establishments of these two kinds , and
thus leave £ he middle and poorest class in brutal ignorance , without troubling himself about the consequences that would follow ? Dr . Cullen , moreover , published a synodical address , in which he did not stop at condemning the colleges , but sought to set class against class , and to represent every poor man as a martyr , and every rich man as a tyrant . There in more rank communism in that address than could be ehymically distilled from M . de Vericour ' s whole book . Jt cannot be alleged that all this opposition arises from religious zeal , because at this moment Dr . M'Jlale and others would induce
the . students to leave tho colleges where their faith and morals are protected , and go to Trinity College in Dublin , a place eminently Protestant , where there are no guarantees for faith , and where there is every temptation to apostacy . Mr . Lue . as , editor of the Tablet—one of the most virulent and most offensive newspapers in Kuropc — is in constant communication with Dr . Cullen , and is , moreover , the chief instigator , as hiH paper is the organ , of the Tenant League , the object of which is to abolish the rights of property , and to shake to its very foundation ever ) thing on which society depends . He is ably assisted in this work of regeneration by tho priests , who , with this end in view , have fraternized with the Presbyterian clergy . Jiut ' not a word of counsel or reprimand has been uttered by the primate ; on the contrary , bis
journal applauds , and the editor acts in the League with Mr . Dully , of the Nation , who would have been at thin hour a deported felon if one of the jury had not perjured himself . It is very true that the Pope ordered the clergy not to meddle in politics . Thin he did in 1847 , in the name rescript in which he condemned the colleges . The second part was received with reverence , aa hostile to the Government , and the first was obeyed by the clergy rushing headlong into the revolutionary movement of 1848 , when nothing waved them , except their belief in the impartiality of the Government—in which they were quite right ; because , if the legal evidence of their guilt had been as strong an its morul certainty , Heveral of them would have now been along with their frienda in exile in VunDiemcii ' u Land . Tho object of thene proceedings on the i > nrt . of tho priests , Lord Clarendon thinkts , was not ?• tfpiritunl
jurisdiction , but political hostility ; " and he further is of opinion that nearly all our Catholic miseries would be obviated if we had a representative at Rome .
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THE PROTECTIONIST FIELD-DAY . The first of the Protection " aggregate" meetings was held at Old Drury on Tuesday . The House was thoroughly crowded , and those who could not get in went to St . Martin ' s-hall , sent a deputation for a few speakers , and held a supplementary " aggregate " there . In the evening a dinner came off at the Freemason's Tavern ; and at each of these gatherings there was mighty speechifying . * At Drury Lane the Duke of Richmond assumed the chair . The point in his speech was the flinging forth of the banner of civil war , an apt commentary on the famous Yeomanry Debates in the House of Commons . He said : — -
' What , gentlemen , is the only argument employed against us ? It is the argument of intimidation . ( Cheers . ) I should deprecate anything like a war between classes . I should not advocate the carrying out of anything like a protection which would inj ure any class of our fellow-men ; but permit me to say to the first cotton-spinner of the land , that at the head of the tenantfarmers , with their hearty labourers following in wake , I care not for a conflict with . 10 , 000 of our opponents . ( Prolonged cheering . )"
The Earl of Winchilsea , who moved the first resolution , was for protection to the British plough , the British loom , and the British sail . The operatives of the North would soon be with them . He threatened the " moneyed interest" with a revolution , which would " pay off the national debt in twenty years , " if they did not help the agriculturists to reverse the free-trade policy . The resolutions moved by the earl simply ascribed to free trade all the evils of the nation . But Mr . Butt , Q . C ., the Irish Protectionist , was the star of the morning . He emphatically agreed with Lord Winchilsea that they " would carry their point . " He represented free trade as the scourge of Ireland ; and he would fearlessly assert ( and he afterwards repeated the assertion ) that the object of the Free Traders was the extermination of the tenantfarmers of England ! " The farmer and the labourer are to disappear , and the land is to be converted into a gigantic sheep-walk , in order that the mill owners of Manchester may grind down the eouls and bodies
of their fellow countrymen . " " In Ireland you may see the process of extermination going on , and in Ireland you see the programme of what will happen to yourselves , " he exclaimed , alluding to the evictions in the west of Ireland as the resource of the landlords goaded to desperation , not by debt , but by free trade . The placeman and the fundholding classes alone had benefited by free trade , which has doubled the national debt , given the fundholdcr a larger mortgage on the land , and doubled the evils of absenteeism in Ireland .
In the midst of Mr . Butt s oration the Duke of Richmond begged that the rEarl of Stanhope , Mr . Ball , and Mr . (> . F . Young , might go to St . Martin ' s - hall . Mr . Ball , before lie went , urged the meeting to pass a resolution requesting the loan of the Crystal Palace when done with , for " one day , that they might fill it with a nobler demonstration , and a more magnificent exhibition . " A proposition which of course was received with " tremendous cheers . " Mr . Butt resumed— " If the Free Traders dare to put their threat of revolution into force , we'll show them such a demonstration as the world never saw . "
( Cheers . ) He denounced Sir James Graham as a traitor for saying in the House of Commons that the soldier hud better rations now , and he * ' knew the reason why" ; which Mr . Butt construed to mean an appeal to the passions of the tsoldiery . Urging union , he said : — - " Look at the Anti-corn Law League ; to what was ittf triumph to be attributed ? Had it the intellect of the country with it ? ( Cheers , and cries of' No . ' } lie did not say that it had not clever men at its head—th ^ y must be clever rnon who could upset the greatest interest of
the country—( cheers )—they must have had that peculiar kind of talent which qualifies men to do mischief ( Loud and lomj-cotitinued chtieriny . ) Had they the aristocracy with them ? ( No , no . ) Had they the middle classes , or even the better sort of artisans ? ( Cheers , and cries of ' No , no . ' ) To what did they owe their triumph ? They owed it to their carnefltne . sa—their entire , enthusiastic , consuming earnestness which they threw into their cause , and that quality in so new in modern politics that before it the conventional hypocrisies of party fell prostrate . ( Loud cheers ) . "
Mr . Butt gave the labourer n « hi . s share of the earth , the right to " earn his bread by the sweat <» 1 hi « brow "—n light of which Free 'Iradc hud de-Hpoiled him . They had that day nailed their banner to the miiHt , and would never take it down utUetm every artizan ami every producer hud full , just , und equal protection . The remaining wpeakerH were Mr . Dnwaon , who « aid nothing novel , and who was interrupted , no doubt , by Home Free Trader , by cries of " Time ; ' * Mr . It . Long , the future rival of Sidney Herbert ia Wilts , who , wishing to connect protection and niiti-Ilomnnitjm , logicall y , asked whether nny ono " would bo bo mud ub to nccuoe Mr . Bright of any
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May 3 , 185 1 J ftfyt & * && **? 409
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Leader (1850-1860), May 3, 1851, page 409, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1881/page/5/
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