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dividuals who take out cards of membership and subscribe to the funds of the society . A card of membership is giv ^ ri for one year upon the payment of twopence . Each member to contribute one penny per week to the general fund of the association * the half of which shall be sent to the executive the first Monday in every month . All members of the association are entitled to vote . Government — Executive . — The government of the association is vested in an executive committee , consisting of nine members ; the secretary receiving a salary for his services . The executive committee appoints the secretary .
Election of the Executive . —The executive shall be elected annually from a list of persons nominated by the localities , such persons having been bona fide members of the association for at least six months . All nominations to take place one month previously to the election , and must be forwarded to the general secretary as soon as possible , a complete list of which shall be published in the democratic journals . The elections shall be decided by ballot , and the agents shall make a return to the general secretary of the names of the candidates elected with the number of votes polled for each .
Duties op the Executive . — That the duty of the executive committee shall be to watch over the general interests of the body , and to aid the promulgation of its principles by appointing lecturers , issuing tracts and addresses , and by giving instructions relative to the formation of parliamentary and municipal election committees , and also to take advantage of every circumstance and event which shall iappear to them calculated to achieve the objects of the association .
Agents . — That the members resident in every locality shall have the power of nominating not less than seven of their body , including a treasurer and secretary , to act in the capacity of agents to the Association . That the agents of the Association shall hold office for three months , from the time of their nominations . A list of the nominations to be sent as soon as possible , for the approval and sanction of the Executive Committee . Duties of Agents . —That the duty of the agents shall be to attend to the circulation of tracts containing sound political and social information—promote public meetings , lectures , discussions , reading-rooms , libraries , and otherwise act as the Executive shall
direct in disseminating the principles of the Association . That the agents of each locality shall assemble at least once per week , to deliberate upon , and take the necessary measures for promoting the spread of democratic principles ; and wherever it is practicable it is recommended that delegate meetings representing districts shall be periodically held ; thus bringing several localities into united and harmonious operation . That the agents shall be empoweied to divide the localities into districts , appoint lecturers and district visitors , the visitors to distribute tract 9 and collect funds , and all localities shall be also empowered to enact laws for their own guidance , provided such laws are in accordance with the fundamental rules of the Association . John Aknott , General Secretary .
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Mr . Walter Cooper has been lecturing at the Townhall of Middlesborough , on Association and American Independence . The gist of Mr . Cooper ' s lectures was , that a republic without association is a sham . Above GO working men met to form a Co-operative Store upon the model proposed by Mr . Cooper , and it seems probable that the project will bo carried out . ItROEMi'TioN Society . —One of the projects likely to engage tlie attention of the Whitsuntide Congress in . Leeds , is a plan of simultaneous propagandism . The plan to be discuHsed by Congress is to reulisse the idea of concerted action . It in proposed to post a very lurge bill in every town and city in the kingdom , announcing the national effort and propagating the idea At the same time another bill of a good size will be posted close
adjoining the large one and referred to by it , containing a short history and programme of the principles of the society , and also informing the public of the effort . A third , but small hand-bill , will be distributed to every member and friend in the . country , containing instruction what to do and how to do it . Besides these three , sonic propose that a well digesU d four-paged tract ah . 11 be delivered to every house in the towns . The intention is to have all these bills distributed and posted on one day , and that in a few days after this has been done , the effort of collecting names shall commence and continue for fourteen dayfl . To aid the bill * , it is proposed that every town and village shall have its lecturer afoot . Mr . James Hole , the author of Lev . txi . res on Social Science , is preacknow
paring a plan for the Congress , which from hi * - ledged ability , i * HJ 8 t attract much attention . We niay state that the central board will print all the billu for all parts of the kingdom . Monies received for Monday , April 28 , 1851 : — Leeds , £ 1 16 s . 8 d . ; Newcastle-on Tyne , per Dr . JLecs , 14 s . 6 il . ; Ditto , per Mr . Woodruff , H * . ; IMrsUl , per Mr . II . Sand ** , lfts . ; Kdinlmrgh , per Mr . Hinton , ls . ; Iludderafield , per Mr . France , 10 * . ; HinKley , per Mr . Hanson , 2 « . ( id . Communal Buildings' Fund : —N . wcastle-on Tyne and Mawaon , 6 s ., Watt , 2 s . ( Jd ., Watson , In ., and low funds , 1 h ., all per Dr . I-iees , SK < 5 d . Monien received for the week ending May /> , 18 M : — Leedn —lleckmondike , ' 2 « - ; High Town , 1 » . 2 . 1 . ; Hyde , per Mr . J . lirailly , £ 1 \ 0 a . ; CJilderson , per Dixon . 7-. i ) d . Communal Building ITuud : —NottiugUttiu , per Mr . W . Smith , 70 .
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CHRISTIAN ILLIBERALITY JUSTIFIABLE . April 28 , 1851 . Sir , — Evangelical Christians are continually accused of harsh , uncourteous , and illiberal conduct towards " infidels "—those who are unable to receive as truth the " orthodox" interpretations of scripture . But is it not inconsistent to blame Christians when they treat Atheists , Unitarians , Deists , Jews , and all other heretics with inhospitality , or refuse them even the common politeness of civilized society ? Is not this tantamount to blaming them for their belief in the inspiration of the Bible , and for acting up to their creed f I make these remarks because I find in the 11 th and 12 th verses of the 2 nd Epistle of John what appears to be an apostolic authority for Christian
illiberality . The -words I allude to are these : — " If there come any unto you , and bring not this doctrine , Receive him not into your house , neither bid him godspeed : for he that biddeth him godspeed is partaker of his evil deeds . " Now , if this is not a command to Christians to outrage humanity in the persons of all who differ from them in religion , how ought we to understand the passage ? The epistle is certainly addressed to an individual—to an " elect lady "—and not to the whole Christian Church ; but I do not see that this affects its general application . Some of your clerical correspondents will perhaps be able to explain away my unpleasant construction of the texts in question . Yours , &c , Querist .
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THE LAND NATIONAL PROPERTY . May 6 , 1851 . Sin , —As the nationalization of the land is a question which will probably occupy public attention to a considerable extent in future , it seems to me very desirable that the manner in which it is proposed the land shall be made national property , should be clearly defined and set forth , as being the unanimous decision of those who advocate that doctrine . They should be prepared to advocate their views before the public , both in reference to the justice of their claims and the manner in which they propose to compensate the landlords , and likewise to point out the source from whence the capital bo applied shall be derived . If this l > e not clearly explained , and a united advocacy practised by the advocates of national property in land , it will be impossible for the movement to become one of a truly national character , as each individual would be loft to advocate his own particular crotchets without any systematic mode of action , which would be sure to engender antagonism among those where harmony should be imperative . The diversity of opinion already existing among those who agree that the land should be mado national property , as to how that can be best accomplished , proves the necessity of a hotter understanding . There are some , though fortunately but few , who object to any compensation , whatever to the landlords . Without wishing to give offence to any one holding these views , I beg of them to consider well what would ho the cud of an attempted agitation of that description . There are others who think the landlords ought not to bo disturbed in their possessions until nfte . r their decease , and then their lands should revert to the Htate . Others contend that thouo entitled to the heiryhip of ouch proprietor should bo compensated before tho utato took poHBeuuion of such lands . These and divers other opinions which are floating about in Home men ' s minds must be divested of their crudities , and the question placed before the public in a practical , sensible manner . In like manner , the Hume diversity of opinion provails respecting the source from whence the purchase . money » hall bo derived . Some propose to levy a t * .
sioh in this respect . Because , after declaring the riffht of the people to the soil , it has not pointed out the manner in which the funds are to be raised to carry out that declaration . They may rely lipon it the public will call upon them to point out by what means they propose to raise the purchase-money ; and it would be most fatal to their cause , if the appointed leaders of the people give contrary views to each other when questioned upon this subject . , _
of four shillings per " acre on the land , aa a fuiid to purchase it on behalf of the state . Others think a graduated income and property tax would supply the necessary funds . A third party content themselves by simply declaring for the principle of national property in land , without ever saying anything at aP about where the funds are to come from , although they are in favour of compensation to the landlords . The late Convention , which has done many good thingsseems to me to have fallenshort of iW * ;
My object , therefore , in this letter is to create & better understanding where a difference of opinion exists upon this important question . I have given this subject much consideration ; nevertheless , it would afford me the greatest satisfaction if any of my friends can suggest any improvement to the propositions I beg to submit to the consideration of the public . In this letter , I shall confine myself to a few briet remarks upon the several points where a difference of opinion exists among those who are favourable to the doctrine of national property in land , and
shall submit propositions in relation thereto , m another letter , for the issue of treasury notes , to be applied to purchase the land on behalf of the state . I shall then be able to sliow , that to levy taxes in any shape to purchase the land will neither be practical nor necessary . And as to the propriety of the people waiting the decease of the landlords before they are allowed to purchase their estates , I certainly cannot see the necessity of waiting the death of any given number of landlords before the starving portions of the population are allowed to live ; because the moof the soil is eall uestion ot
nopoly or freedom r y a q life or death with a considerable portion of the community . By purchasing the land at a fair market price , " the question of compensation to the heirs of the proprietary class will be also settled , inasmuch as none of the landholders ever think of applying to a railway , or other public company , for compensation to any of their children after they have sold their estates at a fair market value . Bear in mind , also , that by purchasing the land in this manner we cannot be fairly charged with dishonesty or inconsistency .
Parliament has repeatedly passed acts on the ground of public utility , empowering railway and other companies to purchase the necessary quantity of land they may require to carry out their projects . There will be very little difficulty in proving that , both in point of justice and public utility , the land ought to become the property of the nation . It , therefore , only remains for parliament to pass an act to that effect . But what parliament ? Not the present , nor any future parliament , similarly constituted ; and that is the reason why the people ought to have the power to choose a better set _ oi representatives to do their work . And in order that there may be no mistake -when
the hour of their enfranchisement arrives , regarding either the men or the measures required , the people should be everywhere instructed in their social rights , and inspired with a determination to enforce them . For this purpose the leaders of the people bhould go forth with one accord , and proclaim the universal right of the people to the soil . That principle being once established , the social problem would tend , with as great certainty , towards an easy solution , as the would
needle tends towards the Pole . Full scope then be given lor all men to organise their labour a » might seem to them best calculated to ensure their happiness . JJy being placed on political and social equality with their brethren , each individual would then have perfect freedom to use his faculties in those industrial pursuits to which he might be best adapted ; while , nt the same time , similar ri-hts being extended to hia fellow men , would always maintain the true social equilibrium , and constitute tho safeguard of society . In cultivating the land , it is no business of the Government to determine whether it shall be done under associjitional arrangements or by individual t-xertion . To determine upon that , ought to belong exclusively to the people themselves . Government interference ought to extend no further in tho organisation of labour than to afford hoc auccHa to flu * . « oil , nnd , whore necessary , supply credit , and sco that it in properly applied ; nnd afford every facilrty for the full development of every brunch of industrial operation . For the rent , it belongs to tho peop le themuelveB to carry out their own industrial airnngeinentn . The two principles , that o £ co-operation «* 1 competition , would then bo brou . ght practically to the test , und the advantages of association would
be made clear and indisputable t : > the meanest capacity . All opposition would th us he dinarmed , and equal freedom would bo uflorde d to all . Alfbbd A . "Wxnoir .
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448 CB « % * & * 9 V . { Satpbdav ,
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- — —^ w" """¦ [ IN THIS DEPARTMENT , AS ALL OPINIONS , HOWBV 2 K EXTREME , ARE ALLOWED AN EXPRESSION , THE EDITOR NECESSARILY HOLDS HIMSELF BESPONSIBLE FOR NONE . ]
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There is no learned man but will confess he hath much profited by reading controversies , hia senses awakened , and his judgment sharpened . If , then , it be profitable for him to read , why shoiild it not , at least , be tolerable tor his adversary to write . — Milton .
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Leader (1850-1860), May 10, 1851, page 448, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1882/page/20/
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