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Leader (1850-1860), 21st June 1851, Edition Town of 2, Page 578

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      Untitled Article

      skill , and self denial . At first no one would trust them , no one would even purchase from them . These emancipationists of white labour had become the bete noir of the Epicier class . Some few of their members yielded to the pressure of distress , to discouragement , or to the pangs of hunger ; but at length the perseverance , self-sacrifice , and morality of the large majority overcame the prejudices of their opponents , and the reactionary terrors of 1848-49 gave place to more reasonable views —more especially as many crude and ( for the present at least ) impracticable theories were rejected by the workmen themselves . But permit me briefly to relate the history of one of the most successful associations , that of the Facteurs de Pianos , 162 , Hue de Faubourg St . Denis , who have already realized a considerable capital by their own unassisted labour .

      This association , founded 8 th March , 1849 , consisted originally of fifteen members . Each man brought a contribution according to his means ; some few money , but in very small sums ( forming a capital of 229 francs ) . Their most important acquisition was the remnant of a stock of well-seasoned wood , which belonged to a man hitherto unsuccessful in business , to whom the novel scheme opened a fair prospect of redemption . Though he died prematurely of cholera , several unfinished pianos , made out of his own stock of wood , were completed for

      his widow , who lets them out for hire ; and his children as soon as they can work , will , if well conducted , be taken into the association . At first these sturdy craftsmen suffered great privations , and were obliged to deny themselves the common necessaries of life . For three or four months , they starved upon their own resources ; but at last a purchaser from Sweden was found . The association sold its first piano ; and , for one whole day , the ateliers were deserted , and all the members , with their wives and children , adjourned for a " jour de fete " to a neighbouring association of " Limonadiers" at the Barriere , where 32 sous per

      household were expended . From that time their numbers and business steadily increased . They are now 32 in number , and have sold 255 pianos of their own making , besides two very valuable ones sent to the Exhibition in . Hyde-park , for which they refused a good offer in Paris . The friendly " Limonadiers" are also thriving , though at that time in difficulties , and are now possessed of a brilliant cafe in the Cour des Fontaines , near the Palais National . This sounds , perhaps , like a romance ; but it is true , nevertheless , as the dismayed Epicier class itself will testify . There are many earnest and intelligent men here now , engaged in elaborating this important

      social problem—the self-organization of labour , which has become a vital question . An important work on this subject , by M . Feugueray , is in the press , and will shortly appear , as well as a reprint of ^ he series of articles published in the National , by M . Cochut . The success of these societies should give a strong impetus to the educational movement in Europe , as it must at the same time largely increase the political power of their members , either for good or for evil ; and stringent protective tariffs in the hands of an uneducated working class might be converted into a grinding despotism . Yours very faithfully , William Coningiiam .

      Untitled Article

      SHEFFIELD PETITION AGAINST STANDING ARMIES . The text of the petition agreed to by the Town Council of Sheffield , which we promised last week , is as follows : — " To the honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland , in Parliament assembled . " The petition of the mayor , aldermen , and burgesses of the borough of Sheffield , in council assembled , — " Sheweth , —That the unlawfulness of a standing army , in time of peace , is expressed in the following article-of the Bill of Rights : — " « That the raising or keeping of a standing army within the kingdom , in time of peace , unless it be with consent of Parliament , is against law . ' " That this Bill of Rights was passed in 1689 , and was not a new enactment , but simply a declaration of the law as it had then existed from time immemorial .

      " That so strong was the feeling entertained against a standing army t > y our forefathers , that , in the reign of CharleB the Second , the grand jury presented the existence of a troop of guards kept by the king , as a nuisance , and a member of Parliament was imprisoned in the Tower for saying that the king might keep guards for the defence of his person . "That the consent of Parliament required by the Bill of Rights has become a more mockery and evasion : an annual act is passed aa a mere matter of form , and neither free-traders , protectionists , financial reformers , members of the Peace Society , nor any others , ever say one word it . «¦

      -upon _ _ _ , _ , _„ ,. _ " That the determined attempts to fasten a standing army upon England , by means of the itnnUal Mutiny Bill ! wcr « only successful after a very long « " < strong rcuwtuncuj and the keen content on the subject between the friends of free institutionn and those in power , vvuh o «\ y terminated by the latter obtaining their object through means and pretences anything but creditable . 11 That the pretext which in now used to prevent the reduction of the standing army , is the very same that was used to procure its establishment—that pretext being , the dtumer of a French inviujion .

      " That the popular resistance to the measure was met by the assurance of those in power that the standing army was ' not designed to be made a part of our constitution , but to be kept only for a little time , till the circumstances of Europe will permit us to be without them . ' " That , in the long and bloody wars of York and Lancaster , neither of the prevailing parties ever attempted to keep up a standing army to support themselves . " That , in February , 1717 , a protest was entered on the Lords' Journals , and very extensively signed by eminent peers , against the Mutiny Bill , in which the following is one of the reasons assigned : — tl

      ' . Because the exercise of martial law in time of peace hath not been , in any former reign , allowed within this kingdom by consent of Parliament , but hath , upon any attempts made to introduce such a power , been opposed and condemned by Parliament , as repugnant to Magna Charta , and inconsistent with the fundamental rights and liberties of a free people . ' " That , in the same month , a further protest of peers was entered , containing the following reasons amongst others : — " Because so numerous a force being , as we conceive , no ways necessary to support—may , we fear , endangerour constitution , which hath never yet been entirely subyerted , but by a standing army . in itself to

      " * Because such a standing force , dangerous a free people in time of peace , is , in our opinion , rendered yet more dangerous by their being made subject to martial law—a law unknown to our constitution , destructive of our liberties , not endured by our ancestors , and never mentioned in any of our statutes but in order to condemn it . " ' Because the officers and soldiers themselves subjected to martial law are thereby , upon their trials , divested of all those rights and privileges which render the people of this realm the envy of other realms ; and become liable to such hardships and punishments as the lenity and mercy of our known laws utterly disallow ; and we cannot but think those persons best prepared , and most easily tempted , to strip others of their rights who have already lost their own .

      " ' Because the clause in the bill enabling his Majesty to establish articles of war and erect courts martial ( etc . ) doth , as we conceive , in all these instances , vest a sole legislative power in the crown , which power , how safely soever it may be lodged with his present Majesty , and how tenderly soever it may be exercised by him , may yet prove of dangerous consequences should it be drawn into precedent in future reigns . ' " That the consequences which have followed from the introduction of a standing army were then clearly seen ,

      it having been well remarked by a staunch opponent that ' the power of granting or refusing money , though vested in the subject , can be no sufficient security for 4 iberty , where a standing mercenary army is kept up in time of peace , for he that is armed is always master of the purse of him that is unarmed ; ' that , where once a mercenary force is admitted , ' heavy and perpetual taxes must be entailed for ever upon the people for their subsistence ; and since all their relations stand engaged to support their interest , let all men judge if this will not prove a very united and formidable party in a nation . '

      " That the national debt , which now exceeds 800 millions , has entirely accrued since the passing of the Bill of Rights , and has been incurred mainly for the support of a standing army . " That the heavy and perpetual taxes required to pay the interest of this debt , and to keep up the army , are such as can no longer be borne with safety to the nation . " That the agriculturists emphatically declare , that it is impossible for them to compete with foreign nations in the growth of food so long as this millstone of taxation is hanging upon them , and all classes agree upon the imperative necessity of making a large and judicious reduction in the national expenditure .

      " That the peaceful and tranquil state of this country for a long time past , and when other countries , having even a still larger standing army than our own , have been convulsed and disorganised , is the best proof that a standing army in time of peace is altogether unnecessary , and as the cost of maintaining the army is the greatest item in the expenditure , common sense and reason alike point to the reduction commencing in that department . " Your petitioners therefore pray , that , as the consent of Parliament is necessary to maintain the army , such

      consent may no longer be given , but that arrangements may bo made to disband it at as earl y a period as practicable , commencing with an immediate reduction of 10 , 000 men ; and that , in the mean time , measures may be adopted to employ both officers and soldiers on works of public utility , in order that the burden of their support may no longer press so heavily upon the country . " And your petitioners , as in duty bound , will ever pray . "

      Untitled Article

      OFFICIAL POPERY IN MALTA . It will be remembered that , in 1849 , the Governor of Malta , Mr . More O'Ferrall , repelled from that island the war- steamer Licurgo , luden with refugees from Jtomo . Among the puuHtmgcrs was an Italian , Signor Nicola Fabrizi , who had been for twelve yean * domiciled in Malta , us merchant , in a linn with other members of his own family . The rights which t |» o laws accord to resid ent ** , and to those

      engaged in trade , and still more thoHo of humanity towards n family of exiles , which hud for many years taken refuge , with its property , under the protection of the Hritinh flu ^ , and hud deserved well , demanded that » Siguor Fabrizi uhouhl be protected . Ho received an inexorable prohibition against hiH landing : the consequences were the total overthrow of his affairs , the oetiHation of his trade , and the ruin of his family . These unhappy circumstance * have not until now been made known in England , and for that reason

      we copy the subjoined paper from the Mtditerraneo which relates them ; a paper which has reappeared in various Italian journals . Scarcely had the Administration of Mr . More O'Fer - rall ceased , than the Maltese journals rejoiced in his departure , in the hope of seeing the inconveniences and complications of his government repaired by his successor . We gladly unite with them in demanding deference to that sentiment of generous hospitality which . has been recognized by the inhabitants of Malta , and' which dictates reparation to a family of foreigners , sacrificed under an act of despotism and intolerance , almost incredible in an English Colony :

      " A French journal the Ere Nouvelle ( Journal de la Corse ) brings honourably under our notice a name which , though neither -Maltese nor English , enjoys a good reputation among us , not only individually , but also generally , for the family of which he forms a part . It is , therefore , not without just reason that we respond in an equally sympathetic manner to the journal in question . We allude to the name of Dr . Paolo Fabrizi , who , in an address from the ma yors of one of the principal cantons of the department of Corsica , is celebrated for having , during a course of many years , and at various periods , traversed that island at his own expense , for the purpose of

      disseminating among the indigent classes the benefits of his profession , the successful results of which have corresponded to the noble philanthropic sentiments by which he has been guided . We are for our own part , not surprised at these proceedings , knowing , as we do , that they are but a uniform continuation of his life , and strictly in accordance with the principles which , we are aware from frequent experience , nave made , and still make him , ah ornament to his family the gratifications we feel being still heightened by an unshaken constancy , equally prpof against the difficulties of the times and the inconstancy of fortune . But we have been induced to dwell on this subject , although of an individual nature , for two reasons , the first is to award to the

      public feeling its due meed of praise , m condemnation of an act of unjustifiable violence committed two years ago against the Fabrizi family , depriving them of the right of a well-merited domicile- in Malta , when , owing to the fresh disturbance of their native country , they came here to manage their own affairs , and to be near the tomb of a brother whose memory was deservedly esteemed ; the second is , that these proceedings may come to the knowledge of even her Majesty ' s Ministers , and to obtain some redress through their well-known justice , for the violated rights of hospitality , now that Dr . Fabrizi is in London , when he has been called by great and serious interests relating to the operations of the house of Fabrizi brothers .

      " It is our earnest wish to preserve that feeling of decorum and civility , of which every subject of her Majesty should be strictly jealous without distinction , among the people of a land governed by free and liberal institutions ; at the same time , we feel ourselves called upon to make known to them , and in the most forcible manner , that when the landing of Fabrizi was opposed by the local authorities , all possible means were tried to induce his Excellency to withdraw the interdiction , and that it was only through his own obstinacy that those attempts were rendered futile .

      " We remember well the public grief that was shown for this family on the death of one of its members , fully attested by the numerous attendance of all classes at the funeral of the exile ; and we have no hesitation in saying , without fear of contradiction , that they lived among us in the greatest estimation , whether in a professional or mercantile point of view . We will also venture to assert with equal confidence , that the measures adopted against the person of Mr . Nicola Fabrizi , which so materially injured th e interests of the house of Carlo Fabrizi and brother ,

      even dictated by a spirit of blindest intolerance , wholly unworthy of one governing in the name of England , and highly repugnant to the sensible minds of the Maltese themselves , who , though warmly attached to their own religion , feel strongly indisposed to become , through the connivance of their governor , the instruments of the inquisition of Rome . " In conclusion , Colonel Nicola Fabrizi , who belonged to the staff of General Pepe , and who urrived hero from Home in that capacity , would have met with the same reception experienced by the general and his suite , hud ho come from Venice ; which was solely withheld him on account ot his coming from Koine , and his name having appeared m the engagements in the defence of that euint-il against the French and Neapolitan umjr ^ Hsions .

      " Wo would usk any one " * the many inilliouf ) < n English subjects , who tool justly proud of the Hnti . sH name , whether thin motive can appear » ufIicumUy strong in ruini » g an honest family , separating H ln > ni its own interests , and depriving il of English liowpitulity . "

      Untitled Article

      THE RAILWAY ACC 1 DKNT NEAR LUWKH . There does not appear to bo the slightest reason ior believing that the boy Hoakes placed the sleeper on tho line . Tho fact that ho had been working in hi » father ' s potato garden abutting the railway , his

      Untitled Article

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), June 21, 1851, page 578, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1888/page/6/