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dDjmt dfonmrtl.
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every Northerner— "Whig , Democratic , Locofooo , or . anything else . I hare not found , therefore , many professed Communist *; for every attempt to realize Communism has resulted hitherto in the entire subjection of the individual to society , without always producing even any great ( economical gain , as is always promised , and seems m necessary result . There have been several attempts at founding Phalansteries—a modification of Fourier's ; and these have met with some measure of success , although even these have been found too restrictive of individual freedom . Yet Fourier professes to recognise completely the idea of subjecting the institution to the individual . Fourier is other Socialist
more known here than any European writer , but Proudhon seems to me more adapted to meet the sympathies ot American Socialism . He , in his paradoxical way , proclaims himself an anarchist ; and reen tly , in England , Her belt Spencer taught substanaliy the same thing , and tells you that Government is not to be regarded as an institution , to be for ever needful to man . The true idea , as well expounded by Proudhon , is , that Government will gradually die out , that is ^ Government by phjsical force—by the universal recognition of the eternal laws of nature . A law may be discovered , but can no more be made by man than can a plant or a planet , or rather a new principle that shall abrogate gravitation .
But I find now that some of our social reformers . here , claim to have discovered a law , that is , a principle of a most radical and revolutionary nature , capable of solving , not only those difficult social questions which have hitherto baffled the most ardent pursuit , but the very Jiuestion of Government , that is , of the extinction of all orrnal , physical-force Government itself . Some time ago I transmitted to Camden-town a tract , entitled The True Constitution of Government ; or , the Sovereignty of the Individual ; lent me by my Swedenborgian lady friend , which professes to be the first of a
series treating at large of The Scteiice of Society . Here the principle of absolute individualism—or , if Proud hon preferB , we will say anarchy { aw apxt ) " ~~ " 1 ** * down in plain English unconditionally ; but the party profess to have made a grand discovery , *\ z . of a principle which will render this absolute abolition of Government possible and practicable forthwith—at once , by such as choose ; while the very publication of the principle will , in the course of its natural growth and extension , gradually dissolve , fragment after fragment , the whole superincumbent mass of Government in every country .
. he problem ia , to transmute the whole of that antagonism which now sets at war every member of society with every other , into a perfect harmonious cooperation and concurrence of interest , and that without any kind of combination , association , union of interests , or other mixing up of one befng's affairs with another . This problem is solved ; so , indeed , we are verily assured ; and I should much , indeed , like to see it shown that it is not so ( unless , indeed , the claim be absolutely well founded ) . The greatest of our thinkers here are one after another acknowledging—the problem to be solved—and if it be so , we muat begin to look for some thing !
I think I have at length made myself pretty nearly master of this new principle . One would think that could be no great task , nor was it ; and yet 1 find that , although the principle is one of the simplest conceivable , the majority of people eiher cannot understand it , or at all events can see nothing in it until after considerable study . Observe that what is wanted is simply this—A principle to regulate the dealings between human beings . For if you admit the principle of absolute freedom—the entire sovereignty of every individual over his own actions—you no longer need any laws whatever for the regulation of individual conduct ; but only of the transactions between one individual and another . Now , the discovery is just this ; first , that this individuality must always be exercised at the cost of the individual exercising it , he being bound to t » ke upon
himself all the consequences ( painful consequences , at least , ) of all his acts ; secondly , that in all exchanges of labour , and other dealings between any two individuals , coat ought to be the limit of price ; or , in other words , whatever burden , or degree of rcpulsirenefis , I take upon myself , at your request , for you , ju « t exactly that tame burden , or degree of repulsiveness , you ought to take upon yourself , at my request , for me . I can assure you that consequences follow most rigidly and mathematically from this simple principle , of a vastnesa and radical im portance truly amazing , and which look at first sight more like the ravings ot a dreamer than the cold conclusions of science . But I content myself with stating the principle , only just inviting your earliest attention to a forthcoming volume upon this " cost ptinciple , " which , a Mr . Andrews ( author of the tract abovementioned ) has for some time had in the press .
lor one of these consequences , viK ., the community of property in land and all other natural wealth , or rather that the price of all natural wealth is zero—the Americans are by no means ill prepared . Th <> land re former * who absolutely reclaim the land for the people , are a large and most rapidly growing party . Moreover , ideas grow here with a rapidity of which you in Europe can form no conception ; th © whole people here being , at least to some extent , educated . And the question of ' interest of money , which will be wholly abolished by the new principle , has been discussed inn . volume universally admitted to bo in the highest degrefe masterly in a manner calculated to make tolerably long face * in Lombard-• trcet ! What will the Chartists say when they find that their proposition for the payment of the national debt by -ne j per cent , now paid for Interest is going to realise «« eir , without aid or intervention of any law or legislature whatever ? H , E .
At the public meeting to be held on Monday evening next ateighto ' clock fornaif-past , at the Eclectic Institute , No 18 a , Denmark-street , 86 ho r the following are the resolutions to be there and then submitted to the meeting— " 1 . The Census of 1851 having revealed the appalling fact that upwards of 2 , 600 , 000 of our Irish brethren have within the last few years been swept from the land of their birth by famine , pestilence , and exile ; it being also notorious that the surviving remnant is fast diminishing , through the forced emigration of able-bodied adults ejected from their homes and holdings by landlord tyranny , and through the premature decay of the aged , the infirm , and the heJples * young thus bereft of their natural supports ; it being moreover an incontrovertible fact that this frightful decimation of the Irish people does not arise from natural or necessary causes , but is
wholly ascribable to an iniquitous and inhuman system ot class-legislation and misgovernment , which excludes the industrious millions from all participation in the laws and institutions of their country , and invests their oppressors , the owners of land and money , with absolute power to plunder , enslave , and exterminate them at pleasure . This meeting cannot contemplate such a state of things without horror and indignation . We denounce it as impiety against God , as an outrage upon humanity , as treason towards the Irish people . We denounce it , moreover , as an organized system of slavery and death , which , if suffered to go on unchecked in Ireland , will extend itself to England and Scotland , and at no distant day involve the empire in ruin . 2 . That in the opinion of this meeting , the only efficacious cure for the enormous evils described in the
foregoing resolntion , is self-government for Ireland through local legislation ; in other words , a Parliament of her own free choice , elected by universal suffrage to legislate within her own territory for her own internal affairs . Such Parliament not to meddle with Imperial concerns or questions affecting the empire at large ; but to be independent , sovereign , and absolute in respect of all matters purely Irish , or affecting Ireland only . An Irish Parliament elected in the manner and legislating within the limits here described would , in our opinion , suffice to insure Ireland ' s real independence and internal prosperity , without endangering British connection , a peril which could only occur in the event of the two countries clashing , upon an Imperial question . At the
same time it would be but just to Ireland that she should still have a concurrent voice ( through delegation ) with Great Britain in the settlement of all Imperial questions , as long as she constitutes an integral part of the empire . To these views this meeting pledges itself , and to all parties honourably embarked in tie same cause , we hereby tender the right hand of fellowship and cooperation . 3 . That believing justice will never be done to Ireland » util the oppressed elatwes in Great Britain ( who alone sympathise with her ) shall be emancipated from class legislation , this meeting hereby invites all
honest and intelligent Irishmen to unite with their English and Scotch brethren in the struggle fur a Radical Reform of the Imperial Parliament , u-t the best and speediest means of insuring justice to their own country as well as ours . To this end let our motto be—• United , we stand ; Divided , we fall . '" Several of the Irish members of Parliament have given their approval of these resolutions , and have promised their assistance . The Chartist Executive and all friends of freedom , are also respectfully invited . to attend the meeting . By order of the Council of the National iieform League . — P . W . M'Nkal , Secretary .
Ihe Pimjlico Woiixing Buir , DEHS . — Although scarcely a year in active existence , this society hat ! alreadysucceeded in raising a large block of houses in Upper Tachbrook street , and are preparing for more in the lane and adjoining street ( St . Leonard-street ) , and have also stocked and opened a spacious wharf on the GrOBveuor canal ( Bridge-row Wharf ) , and are now in a condition to undertake and execute building to any extent , or supply building materials in any quantity , the association already gives employment to upward * of forty persons ,
and possesses trade stock to the value of more than £ 2000 , in addition to which a cooperative store has betn established on their premises , St . Leonard-street , Upper Tachbrook-street , and does an extensive business . An addition in the shape of a general coal depOt is also formed at Bridge-row Wharf .. Orders have already been remitted to the extent of forty tons , and which will doubtlessly be greatly increased by the coal clubs in course of formation amongst the numerous trades , democratic , social , and other working-men's societies with which the metropolis abounds . —E . S .
Loitu Dhouoham h Cuauactku of Mr . Owkn . —In the House of Lords , on July 3 , Lord Brougham presented a petition from Mr . It . Owen , on whom he delivered an elaborate eulogy as a gentleman of great excellence and undeniable eminence in philanthropic pursuit * . Hcjhad spent a large fortune in those purttuits ; and , though on many points he entertained opinions with which neither their lordships nor he himself could agree , still it was undeniable that he had conferred great benefit on the country by the institution of infant iichools , of which he was the author and inventor . Now , Mr . Hubert Owen claimed , he would not « ay the right , but the favour of being allowed to explain before a select committee of their lordaliips , his views for the amelioration and improvement of society , and for the better support , if not the extinction , of poverty among ua .
lti' . i > KMvr : ON Socikt * -. —The fourteen days of Propagundibm commenced in Leeds on Sunday la « t , the lSih instant . The meetings were large , and the audience listened with great attention and , we may « ay , with enthusiasm . We believe that much good was done . We know of people who had strong objections , or rather prejudicea , Mgninst our iduas , who experienced a ohango at these ^ meetings . New members are being added to the society from the effects of the meetings . Moneys receiv . tT j- L . ed ., £ 1 18 .. 8 d . ; Hyde , per J . Bradley , 14 s . 6 d . ; Coventry , per Mr , Bhufflcbotham . £ 1 loi
Communal Building Fund : —Leeds , £ 1 10 s . 6 d . ; Hyde , per J . Badley , 10 s . 6 d . ; Coventry , per Mr . Shufflebotham , 5 s . 6 d . ; Bothwell , Northamptonshire , per J . Bull , Is . 6 d . We hope the branches will not fail to collect the levy for the Communal Building Fund . Dr . Lees has returned from the Potteries ; where he has formed three branches , and has brought the following funds : —Shelton , Mr . Beates , 2 s . 6 d . ; Building Fund , 2 s . 6 d . ; Candidus , 12 s . ; Propagandist Fund , lls . 6 d . ; Rules and tracts , 3 * . 6 d .: total , £ 1 0 s . 6 d .
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ENGLISH AUSTRIANISM . London , July 13 , 1851 . Sib , —An exile in this Babel who once took an active part in . political and social progress , but for the present , by the force of circumstances , am only an observer of current events and current speculations , I read with deep interest the daily record of those events and speculations , and nowhere with more interest than in the Leader , ml believe it to be inspired with a higher purpose and a more advanced philosophy .
In my reading there is nothing I meet with more frequently , nor more moves my risible feelings , than the quiet John Bullism which , in every journal published , lays it down as an axiom , that it is England which is to eet the world right . From this absurd egotism the Leader is no more free than its contemporaries . If you are in incredulous astonishment at the charge , I simply ask of you to read over again your editorial article headed " Abd-el-Kader , Kossuth , and Bakoonin . " Take such a passage as the following —an Irishman reada it with a sort of sorrowing amusement : — "In default of France , England might do the good work , —not only on behalf of Abd-el-Kader , but of many others . Were England to proclaim her sympathy and succour for all wronged and helpless captives , suffering for freedom and humanity , " iiC . &C . Ay , were she ! Why ihe world would , in return , but proclaim her to be a hypocrite and a make-believe ; Austria would whisper in her eara the names of Mitchell and Meagher , ot" O'Brien and M'Manus , as Spain did that of their country , when England prated to her of good government . Of all governmental shams , that of England has been the most successful . Every despotism expatiates on the blessings of law , and order , and constitutional liberty ; but none with more quiet complacency and assurance than that of England — an assurance which has curried conviction to the minds of at least the majority of Englishmen . Yet never in the history of human oppressions was there one more fatal in its resulth than that which doomed to famine and its attendantu above a million of the Irish people , and to banishment above a million more . Against this monster power those men arose ; and amongst the host of noble spirits which the European movements of 1848 called forth , there was not a band more elevated in sentiment , nor more gifted in intellect than the Irish constituent . Yet cannot tho journals which devote columns to the wrongs of the patriots of other land ^ , on whobe fate their words can have little if any influence , spare a sentence to those handed over to tho tender mercies of the hirelings of their own Government r This may sound harshly , but it is truth ; and if writers hope to do any good , they must deal with things as they are . Instead of talking of English sympathy for freedom and Immunity as an actuality , it were better to endeavour to create it . It is as great a delusion to appeal to the existence of « uch a . feeling , as to that of an English People : there i «* neither tho one nor tho other . There is a conglomeration of human beings living in England—a confused Babel of conflicting humanity : thoie is no English People . That , too , haw yet to bo created ; and it will go hurd with political uoconomists , peace professors , and Manchester philosophers , if it ever should be created . 1 am . Sir , yours reapectfully , Isa . a . 0 S , Yauian .
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July 10 , 1851 . ] « $# ¦ ¦ »*« & **? 68 ?
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There is no learned man but will confess he hath much profited by reading controversies , his senses awakened , and his judgment sharpened . If , then , it be profitable for him to read , why should it not , &t least , be tolerable for his adversary to write . —Milton .
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[ In this dbpartmknt , as all opinions , howbvbb sxtkekx , abb allowed an expression , the kdltoft nbce 38 akily holds himself responsible for none . ]
Ddjmt Dfonmrtl.
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Leader (1850-1860), July 19, 1851, page 687, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1892/page/19/
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