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Leader (1850-1860), 11th October 1851, Edition Town of 2, Page 965

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      Untitled Article

      ' * better the paternal severities of the Empire than the fraternity of anarchists /* Now , what is the journal that speaks in this style of presumption towards the Hero of Hungary ? The Morning Post has ever been a Tory organ . Some time since it was prominent in stating and defending the case of Russia against the Constitutionalists as well as the Democratists of Europe : it was notorious that the Editor of that day , not long past , was appointed

      to be Consul-General at St . Petersburg . By whom was he , that Tory journalist , that defender of Russia—by whom was he appointed ? By Lord Palmerston . And now the Morning Post has so frequently been the first to receive intelligence within the department of our Foreign-office , and speaks with so much authority on affairs within that department , that it is generally regarded as the organ of the Foreign-office . That is the journal that lectures and threatens Kossuth .

      But the enemies of Kossuth did not stop even there . The Globe made its seductive advances on Friday ; on the following Thursday , the Times astounded the Liberal watchers of foreign affairs with a burst of calumny , outrage , and insult against the Hungarian . It sneered at his * ' passage from his Turkish prison to his Transatlantic retreat" where he will be " consigned to Mr . Barnum ; " declared that he—ket the Bampden-Cromwell of Hungary , " annihilated " the

      constitution and liberties of his country ; raked up old exploded calumnies against his private character ; and threatened , " that if the people of this country receive Kossuth as a hero and a patriot , they will render themselves an object of derision in those countries where his conduct is more correctly appreciated and his character more accurately known . " We recognize this tirade ; it is circulated in private society , and pains are taken to spread it . But is it conceivable that it should be printed and published in the face of living history ?

      The Times anticipates that its remarks will be received with " dissatisfaction " ! Dissatisfaction ! The word is wrongly selected . Now what is this Times that speaks thus . It is the journal that defended Haynau . Who expressed English feeling at that time—the studied Times , or Barclay and Perkins ' s all-unpremeditating Brewers ! It is also the journal which most skilfully and effectively defends and aids the present English Government . Why does it insult Kossuth and threaten the English People with derision if they speak to him . The motive appears in this sentence : —

      " All such public marks of attention to the sworn enemies of States with , which we are at peace is an unusual and inconvenient interference in . the affairs of foreign countries . " " Interference in the affairs of foreign countries " —to such fineness is the doctrine of non-intervention stretched . " States with which we are at peace "— " inconvenient interference "—one almost seems to knpw the hand ; it reads so like a paragraph in the Queen ' s speech . And with these threats the . English People , the countrymen of Hampden and of Cromwell , are to be frightened from showing fellowship with the Tell of Hungary I

      < Jne suggestion , skilfully thrown out in parenthesis amid the easy flow of seemingly unstudied vituperation , would be too useful for it to have been unintentional : the phrase " his Transatlantic retreat" implies that he will stop in America : the implication in false—Kossuth visits the # reat republic to thank its citizens for their noble assistance , but he returns to England . The style of the Globe might have seduced the patriot into a delusion that his friends would be found in the polite regions of the West-end , his sanctuary in Downing-street ; hut that is not the authorized style : the Post , will show him where inn enemies are , the Times will show him the atrocious Hiiirit that animates them .

      But he will not come amongHt us either 1 / 1 ind or deaf . The English people is not invisible or inaudible , any more than the French . And if it was reserved for the American Government to he foremost in giving him practical aid , in body and "jeans , to Biiaieh him from eantivity and restore J > "n to action in the cause of the [' copies of Uurope , •|««' t :, too , he will find sympathy among the People . A y > and help too , if that people prove worthy of ' well , of its history , of its guest .

      Untitled Article

      MANCHESTER IN TIIK FLOWER . Mam < : i ( khtku i , ha ( 1 itfJ ( lay . QUO ( . Victoria n » shone upon the town , its aoul haa undergone l "c rupture of the visitation .

      It would be difficult for any one at a distance to imagine the tumult of preparation . Homely manufacturers grew enthusiastic ; business men left business to sit in committee on decoration and costume ; staid fathers of families wandered about , revelling in the sight of illuminations that were to be , then sketched out only in the dull dark outline of gas-pipery ; hoarding and builded seats ; invaded market-place and chapel-yard ; arches " triumphed" over the thoroughfares of trade ; the great volcano of industry , still rumbling and

      thrilling with its myriads of engines , still casting up its countless ledgers , smiled at the coming holiday , and concentrated its vast energies on making itself handsome , glad , resplendent , for twenty-four hours . Now , why ? Where was the " use" ? Where was the profit ? The whole show would be over in one turn of the globe . The work is " unproductive . " Excepting a few who profit by "the job , " Manchester and Manchester men will be only poorer after the pageant . Why then did Manchester labour to that useless end ?

      Was it for respect to " our most gracious Soveverink" ? Scarcely ; since nobody doubted ^ Manchester ' s loyalty , or its appreciation of the Monarchy at the true value ; for a most useful thing to trade is limited Monarchy . But grave respect does not require gold collars , triumphal arches , foliage , and fountains . Why these , then ? Because Manchester has a soul . Manchester has within it that which is not

      content with cotton nor iron ; which cannot finally repose on coal ; which is not satisfied with the handsomest balance in the ledger ; which is not expressed in borough records , or the most sensible of political speeches ; which , in short , is not content without foliage and fountains , triumphs and pageants ; and which , to be satiated , must declare itself , be known , and recognized . Manchester , the hardest head in the country , has the wildest fit of this ornamental self-assertion ; Manchester , the most calculating , has the maddest convulsion of spending . Once a year , the aloe flowers : Manchester has been in full flower once .

      Untitled Article

      GRAHAM ON ABERDEEN . How comes it , we have heard it asked , that Lord Aberdeen , the Minister of all others the most acceptable to Foreign Courts , should have been " unsuccessful as a diplomatist" ? The continual taunt , and , perhaps , the solitary joke , of journals devoted to Palmerstonian Liberalism , is the friendly word of patronage bestowed upon our late Foreign Minister by Louis Philippe , alluding to him as " co cher Aberdeen "—" that dear Aberdeen . " Upon this almost involuntary tribute of the Royal Macaire to Scottish honesty , the dithyrambic organs of that distinguished patriot , Palmerston , are for ever chanting the praises of their idol ; and the burden of their tune is that Aberdeen was sold to

      despotism , and the creature of Continental powers ; whereas , the hero of Tiverton ovations ia to be esteemed the dashing champion of constitutional freedom , and , proportionally , the sworn foe , the terror , the detestation , the nightmare of all the tyrannies that take refuge under the wings of the Kaiser and the Czar . * ' How ce cher Palmerston must laugh in his sleeve at these his friends and adversaries , who evidently know him better than he does himself .

      Let ub hear how Sir James Graham describes his colleague , in a speech which may be considered a sort of prefatory Programme of an advanced Liberal Ministry , tempered by Toryism , to come into power when we shall have once more got rid of " the Family" : — " The reputation of my noble friend , " says Sir Jumes , " i , s European . Ho conducted tho idreign diplomacy of thiu country in diilicult times , and throughout the world Ihh integrity , fidelity to his engagements , love of neuee , and . straightforward love of truth , which at all times characterized his conduct , have won for Uiiu tho esteem of Kurope . "

      Now , making all allowances for the influence of long official connection and warm personal friendship , we do not believe tiv . it Sir James Graham haa in these words advanced more than the consent of all but a i ' v . w blind Whig partisans would concede to the colleague of Sir Kobei t L'cel . We shall not l ) o suspected of any allection for the foreign policy of Lord Aberdeen in its tendencies or in its alliances . Hj H respect for the " Balance of power / the status quo , and other comfortable European arrangements , doen not altogether appeal to our wannest sympathies . But we respect honesty , —conscientious , Htruightibrwunl sincerity , even in an adversary . Wo believe Lord

      Aberdeen to have been an honest gentleman—even in the Foreign Office . A man of limited professions , he acted up to all he professed , without vainglory , as without disguise . He never betrayed for he never pretended to lead , the Liberal cause . He never bore the mask of liberty to gamble away the cause of Peoples on the table of oppressors . He was not an adept at the mysteries of loaded dice and secret cards , and unconfessed accomplices , which in polite circles we call diplomatic experience . He was not , we believe , initiated into that Inner Circle which , throughout all phases of Revolution and Reaction , plays its ambiguous game . It is because he was not a member of this Inner

      Circle that he was ( in the cant phrase of the " Coventry" ) an unsuccessful Diplomatist . But it is to him , and with his express consent , that Mr . Gladstone ' letters on the atrocities of Naples were addrsssed . It is left to Palmerston , the Liberal , to hawk about ia antechambers the honest indignation of the Tory statesman . We pause to inquire whether Palmerston ' s successes are to be preferred to Aberdeen ' s complacencies . But honesty is not the best policy , according to the gospel of the Inner Circle , of which the distinguished Whig patriot is not one of the least successful members !

      Untitled Article

      HOW TO LIVE . Abandoned as Protection avowedly is by the leaders of the Agricultural party in Parliament , the pressing question for practical Agriculturists is , what " other species of Protection " shall succeed to that which is politically extinct ? The old Agricultural maxim , " Live and let live , " has been for a time superseded by that of " Kill and let kill " :

      the landlords are abandoned by the Members , the farmers by the landlords , the labourers by the farmers . Go to ruin , is the cry ; for nothing can help you . " Uaga famos' a Dm , " as the inexorable Genoese says to the beggar— "Go hungry to God . " But living men will not be content with that heartless decree . c < What are we to do ? " is their question to the leaders ; the urge it at country dinners ; and they will not be content until they get a practical

      answer . Meanwhile they have already been turning their attention to a spontaneous organization . We are aware that the idea of some new combination is existing in more than one part of the country ; Mr . Milner Gibson ' s plan of providing- agricultural statistics is a step in that direction j but the most comprehensive that we have met is that of Mr . George Pelsant Dawson . Mr . Dawson is a landed proprietor of Yorkshire ; his pamphlet , a letter addressed to his brother Agriculturists , is dated from Osgodby Hall , the patrimonial estate near Selby . He finds that the want of his class is that of " controul or self-government "; and " the other species of Protection" which he proposes is a very extensive scheme of organization : —

      " Let associations for the protection of native industry be formed through the length and breadth of thw land . The nucleus and materials of Buck associations exist in every market town , and the district whose inhabitants frequent the market . In many places , farmers' clubs and agricultural associations for the discussion of the scientific points of farming already exist . These could readily be converted into politica l associations ; and then there is the machinery of tho New Poor-law . The Legislature itself hus presented us with a principle of centralization , apt and ready for our purpose . Let each guardian and ex-oflicio guardian become the guardian

      and protector of his townshi p , in the most comprehensive sense of the word . Every boardroom throughout the agricultural districts may resolve itself into a Protection committee for its own-union . Kach rural district , thus organized under its local committee of maimgeiuent , must be under the general control and direction of n . county committee of management ; and each county committee of management must bo subordinate- to the policy and general directions of a great central committee of management in London . So that there may bo throughout tho whole country a completely organized system of uniform and concentrated action . * * *

      lict the committee-of management of each county , in conference with the great , central committee in London , from time to time , and iib often as iumI be , fix and promulgate what the minimum price of tho di He-rent species of grain is to lm at the next ensuing markets . Tho committees , constituted as they will be of the most moderate , well-informed , and practical men aniongHt , u « , in fixing the minimum prices , will , of course , take into consideration the seasons , yield , stock in hand , pruuent and anticipated importations , and other cm : iiiiiHtui » cen which should regulate their judgment . Their object and care bhould be to wecure , as fur ns powaible , to tho producer , a reasonable und

      Untitled Article

      Oct . 11 , 1851 . ] H , % t 1 Lt& * tX * 965

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Oct. 11, 1851, page 965, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1904/page/9/