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Leader (1850-1860), 13th December 1851, Edition Town of 2, Page unpag., Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

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      Profound and universal disgust is the feeling of Paris , at the hideous paroxysm of lawlessness which it has undergone . The nature of the visitation is now clear to everybody : of many factions that one which is the most unscrupulous , the faction embodied in the single person of Louis Napoleon , has seized the start ; and for the moment France , surprised and held down , must submit to indignity and coercion . There is , indeed , a feeling that the coup d ' etat has saved the . country by one

      crisis , from another more formidable and less tolerable . The bourgeoisie , the same all over Europe , dislikes to look beyond its nose . The fear of the Red Republicans and the Socialists—generic term for every embodiment of crime and villanyhas been stimulated to a panic , and traded upon by the agents and the preys of Government . " Religion—Family—Property" are cant words inces-Hantly chanted by such men as Dr . Ve ' ron and Granier de Cassagnae . "We have broken the neck of 1852 " is the cry to catch the middle classes— "' 52 , the year of universal war , spoliation , massacre , and what not . "

      The workmen in general did not budge in the movement . Bewildered and suspected , uncertain for whom or for what to fight , thinking that , perhaps universal suffrage might be restored , their material and immediate interests pressing on them , their republicanism fatigued , though not extinct , with past exertions , they suffered the riot of authority to pass by without their intervention . The few barricades seem to have been raised by agents

      of the coup d ' otaU , or by persons in the easy classes of society . Such is the general report ; and our own inquiries confirm it . The Koldierw , plied with brandy and donatives , revelled in the sack of the EtreetH : they lii ed at random , and it is now ascertained that 2700 persona were killed , principally innocent lookers-on ! In Kpite of a success in moral terror , as well as military surprisethe Kly . se ' e stands in complete

      , isolation . Louis Napoleon has already lost bin popularity . The people is silent , afraid to express opinion , but keenly alive to the national degradation . Ah the President , recently ko hold , rides through the utrecta in ai close carriage , escorted by a party of CuirasNieiH , he is received in dead silancti : there is no cry of any kind , no hat taken <>" " , no Hign . We do not say this from hearsay , hut from our owa personal observation on the

      spot . At the election Louis Napoleon may have the majority of those who do vote ; how could it be otherwise under the existing pressure ? Hut how « n ha found a durable ( iovernnn-nt ? how can it Iil ! in him to " octroyer" a t ; onntitution , with BullYuj ro for himnelf universal , for the Chuinbur lunited i Mis difficulties are already becoming too ( Tow * lioiTion . 1

      apparent for confidence in his position or power . In the regimes of the Empire , of the Restoration , and of Louis Philippe , compression by bayonets , and press laws , and espionage , has been tried and found wanting : how can he and De Moray succeed in that which has failed the Legitimate Charles Dix and Polignac , or Louis Phiiippe and Guizot ? Louis Napoleon ' s financial difficulties are appalling . He must either steal , which would be dangerous in the long run ; or borrow , which

      would be Ies 3 dangerous than difficult ; or create a forced currency of paper money , an attempt which would be amusing : fancy assignats by Louis Napoleon to create confidence ! Still he will have to pay the army , somehow , and to amuse it—with civil war , or war not civil , without a genuine Bonaparte to lead . He will use himself up in no time . His dash at power is the last stage of Bonapartism ; to be celebrated in history only for the amount of reckless mischief that he may find time to do .

      But the elements of resistance lie around , the Reaction is already discerned . His very generals are beginning to dispute the dictatorship among themselves . There are also republican elements even in the army , among its captains and sergeants . The unfortunate excesses in the provinces , although indicative of the general distrust , are not a genuine national insurgency . They arc chiefly committed by hungry peasants who attack property ; and Republicanism is charged with the spoliation . The real Republicans , unable to resist the usurper , or to controul the useless rioting , keep aloof and hide . Louis Napoleon cannot last , but his victory is the beginning of terrible days for France ; and the very process of counter-movement will cost her dear .

      Meanwhile , the Absolutist Governments are delighted . At first their organs were in ecstasies , and immoderate in their expression of joy ; but a change has come over them : Louis Napoleon is too much of a good thing , and they exonerate their legitimate consciences with faint censure . Our own Government does not wit-hold recognition or sympathy : the Marquis of Nonnanby attended the reception in the Ely sec on Monday evening 1 assassinate

      Louis Napoleon has not been able to liberty , as certain folks are hoping . CAuietists , Diplomatists , and moneyjobberH , are eager , but not keensighted : they never can see t '/ trout / h the storm . The real influences of liberty are but beginning to develope themselves . An the true danger to liberty in Been irt the conspiracy of Austro-RiiHsian barbarism , bo the true alliance- against it in seen : let the render mark the concurrence between Louis Blanc and Robert John Walker on this point . Proofs of the growing sympathy between England proper find America are daily multiplying in our knowledge . Sliannaii Crawford balances his account with

      the men of Rochdale , and prepares to retire . In bis retirement consistent Radicalism will lose a brave und honest advocate . At the Kochdulo

      dinner Mr . Cobden delivered a lecture on flinching . He accused the Radicals in the House of Commons with laxity of purpose , and the Radical constituen cies with indhferency in suffering their representatives to be drafted off into the service of the Treasury . Would Mr . Cobden like to know the meaning of the fact he so well describes ? Is it not want of courage and devotion to princip les which weakens the Radicals ? The Manchester

      Conference , for instance , to which Mr . Cobden adheres —does anybody put faith in its programme ? Has it principles for the triumph of which a party can be found to " organize victory " ? Without faith you have no organization , without an organization you carry no measures . There lies the reason of Radical impotence—indiif ' erency in the mass , produced by want of decision and active courage in the leaders .

      The London merchants , banded to resist the tyranny of the Treasury and its unjust steward the Board of Customs , have faced the Premier by deputation , and have brought him to reason . Not indeed to answer—a Minister never can answer a deputation . Frankness is not official . Routine is implicated in so many what shall we call them ? The disingenuous , it ia aa ' id , should have long memories ; but most especially a corporate disingenuousness never knows how it may commit itself unless it refreshes its memory and compares notes with all its witnesses . The deputation demanded a renewal of the select committee of last

      year , and a reform of the Customs' administration . Lord John replied with apologies and vague promises , and sent away the deputation delighted with his courteous manner ; but not , we trust , cajoled into taking promises for performances . The merchants do wear an appearance of boldness at present . Side by side in the columns of a morning journal on Wednesday , were three reports of decidedly notable performances of the day before : London Church Union reporting to itst > lit" at St . Martin ' shall ; Roman Catholicism installing itself in stite ,

      011 Croome-hill , Greenwich ; and Voluntary Kducationists conferring at Crosby-hall . Decidedly the broadest platform of what are called "Church principles" is atlorded by that report of the Union freedom for the Church , and open , manly , highprincipled action to obtain that freedom : abstinence from political intrigues , and direct assertion that beyond the bare legalisation of her legislative assemblies the Church will accept nothing from the Parliament—in fact , synods being authorized , nothing but the Vtlo left for Parliament . This ' ia definite and practical .

      Closely allied with the Nigh-Church movement is that advance of Romanism which ostentatiously plants its churches here and then * , like this new one : at Grrenwirh dedicated to "Our Lad of the Sea . " The young party of the (/ lunch of England demand freedom of developeineut , and we say , let them have it by all means . But hero at Greenwich i « the tcmplo of a Church , which Uaa enjoyed ^

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      VOL . II . —No . 90 . SATURDAY , DECEMBER 13 , 1851 . Price 6 d .

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      News op the Wkrk— - ^ Pn » e A Plan !> Relieving the Irish Poor 1179 England 118-1 Rise and Fall the Oreluvtr . M The Bonapartist Involution 1171 Intramural intennenU 11 $ 0 Social Reform . — " Notu * ot a Social Society ilM Continental Notes 1175 Horrible Agrarian Murder 118 J ( Economist" HSj Okuaniza i'Ions ok rn k I ' uoi'i . ic—Robert Walker on the Conspiracy of Public Affairs— LmcuvruRii— ro tin : Clvm . sis ol hn-l . m . l lUi theDeswoU H 7 < 5 Position of Aft ' . iirs in France 118 i Florence Sackvill . ; 1187 Pnnlico U orkinpr HmUlcrs .... Sharman Crawford and KucIkUIu .. 1177 A Kri-e tlhurcli H 8 i The Martyrs of I'Vecdom 1187 If ; tiit : ii Workin- Aim's CWemtive Church Matters 1177 The Aujtro-llusskui Conspiracy .. H < $ The War in , \ fi , ' . iaimtan 1183 Society ilJ- ' Archdeacon Denisoa and the The Brevet Injustice 1183 Books on our Talilu 118 J Opun Council—National Soi-ietv U 78 Public Departments 118 : $ Tub Arts— International Money- Order Office .. I 19 . J Voluntary Education ' . ' . 1178 ISIoImproved 1184 Franklin ' s Illustrations of the Commhkoial . Ai-faius—Customa - ' Reform 117 i » » Society i . Saved »! 1184 Parables 1190 Markets , OazL-ttes , Advertisornentg A Defender of" Law and Order " .. 1179 Political Letters . —II . Frauee and Haydn's Seasons Ww Me lu .-iuo

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      "The one Idea whioh History exnibits a 3 evermore developing itself into greater distinctness is the Idea of Humanity—the noble endeavour to throw down all the barriers erected between men by prejudice and one-sided views ; and by setting aside the distinctions of Reunion , Country , and Colour , to treat the whole Human race asone nrotherhood , having one great object—the free development of our amntual nature . "—Humbolht ' s Cosmos .

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 13, 1851, page unpag., in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1913/page/1/