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THE POSITION OF AFFAIRS IN DOWNINGSTREET . Much discussion has of course arisen out of the departure of Lord Paimerstori from the Foreign-oflice . The Times has this week either abstained from comment , or written articles wide of the mark , and attempted to diyert public attention from the fact to its accessories an 4 possible results . The Post has , advanced no theory of its own , but it has endeavoured to fix upon the Time * , and "through that journal on the Premier , the stigma of haying dismissed Lord Palmerston in obedience to strong hints from the Northern Courts . It has played simply the part of critic , departing only from that course to give a sting to its insinuations' against the premier ; by producing a letter from " Vienna published * in the Breslau Gazette on the 23 rd ultimo ,
shadowing forth the dismissal of Lord Palmerston , and hinting at the underhand practices of Lord John Russell which preceded that dismissal . The dismissal took place on the 22 nd , and the announcement appeared in the Times on M ; he 24 th ; the revelations in the Breslau Gazette being made on the intermediate day . This curious collocation of dates an (| facts has caused a deal of fierce discussion between the Globe , which , in a silly manner , threw discredit on the Viennese letter , and is now turning from Palmerston to Russell . But the controversy elicited nothing new . The Morning Chronicle has held its hand , and the Time * has written on the New Year-and other topics touching but slightly on the Palmerston question .
The Liverpool Albion says that Lord Palmerston had promised an interview to Kossuth , declined by the latter , and hence the quarrel between the noble lords . Meanwhile rumours of all kinds are afloat in the East as well as the West . On Wednesday it was reported that all the Cabinet were out ; and another account wa § Nthat Lord Lansdowne , Sir Francis Baring , and Berd Broughton had resigned . The following article containsjthe most pithy revelations , given , be it remarked , with an air of as muc 4 authority " as the revelations of the Times . V '
THE RESIGNATION OF LORD PAI / MEBSTON . ( From the Morning Advertiser of Tuesday . ) We are now in a position to throw much new and iraportant light on the circumstances under which Lord Pa ' tmerston has ceased to be ~ a member of the Whig Ministry . Our revelations , we are sure , will create no Bmall astonishment , mingled with deep indignation , in the public mind * We say , then , in the plainest possible terms , that the extraordinary conduct of the Premier ¦ was the sole cause of Lord Palmerston ' s retirement . . . First of all , then , be beg to state that for sometime
past the Prime Minister , fancying , it is to be presumed , that the duties of his own department were not sufficiently numerous or important to afford full scopeto his administrative talents , had "determined on discharging those of the Foreign Department also . ' Nor did he deem it enough to offer to assist Lord Palmerston . He has not so modest an estimate of his own Ministerial abilities as that wtfuld imply . He assumed a part , and a most important part to boot , of the functions which devolve on the Foreign Secretary , not only without the leave asked and obtained . of Lord Palmerston , but even without ) his knowledge . . *
As might be expected , when these assumptions and presumptions of the Premier came to the knowledge of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs , he was equally astounded and indignant at so unwarrantable and so unseemly an interference in matters which exclusively belonged to his department . As a high-spirited nobleman , Lord Palmerston—not verbally , not while holding personal intercourse with the Premier , but by letter , demanded an explanation from him . The latter noble lord returned a vague , unmeaning , shuffling answer . With such an answer Lord Palmerston , as might be ex-{) e cted , was not satisfied . The result was , that a engthened correspondence ensued between the Foreign Secretary and the Premier . Anything more spirited or more racy , bo far as the letters of Lord Palmerston are
concerned , has not , we are assured , been penned by any statesman for a long time past . That correspondence will see the light within a few days after the meeting of Parliament ; and we venture to say that never before did the Premier appear in so pitiable a position as that in which he will then find himself placed . It is right we should mention that , though Lord Palmerston has only at a comparatively recent date discovered the extent to whioh the Prime Minister was trenohing on his department , there is reason to believe that he has done so more or less for some considerable time past . With regard to the Cabinet Council of yesterday week , at which Lord Palmerston ' s resignation was received , it is right we should state that the members of the Ministry
generally are not implicated , to the extent or in the way which was generally supposed , in the improper treatment which Lord Pulmereton has received . Lord John Russell , wp have reason to believe , did not lay before'them the letters which had passod between him and the Foreign Secretary ; but merely mentioned that , in consequence of & misunderstanding about certain foreign matters which had occurred , Lord , Palmerston , had thought proper-la resign . The Premier proposed the acceptance of the noble lord's resignation . This was agreed to in silence on the part of all , and with regret on the part of some . It is proper to add , that only nine members of . the Cabinot out of the fifteen were present on the occasion . But we now come to another aspect of the matter , and one whioh must be the reverse of gratifying to Lord John HuBjell . Since the Cabinet Council of yesterday week
broke up , the real facts of the case have begun tp transpire in the Ministerial circles , and the result has been that several of Lord Palmerston ' s late colleagues have written to him , expressing their utter astonishment , and hardly caring to conceal the existence of another feeling , at the way in which he has been treated . They assure him of their deep regret that their official connection with him has ceased , and entreat hi m , . in the most urgent terms , to believe that when . they acquiesced in his resignation they did r so in perfect ignorance of the circumstances connected with it : , We are privy to the names of three of the Cabinet Ministers who have written to Lord Palmerston to this effect , since his retirement . ¦ One is tha ^ or a noble marquis , another that of a noble earl , and the third is that of a right honourable baronet . The name of the "first , we may mention , is that of the Marquis of Lansdowne . The names of the other two we forbear to
introduce into bur columns , for reasons which it is not necessary to state . , But now comes yet another phase of this strange eventful history . It is hoped by the Premier to propitiate the people of England by the promise of an accession of liberal and independent parties to his Cabinet . Who are the persons whose expected advent is to compensate for the loss of Lord Palmerston , we are sure the public would not guess , were they to exercise their conjectural faculties until this time to-morrow . The ' . ' coming men " —at least the men who are supposed to be coming—are none other than the Duke of Newcastle and Mr . Cardwell ! They have been called by the Premier , or will be so in a day or two , to come to the rescue of the , Russell Ministry ; but whether they will respond to the call or not , is more than we say . Shakspeare tells us that one his heroes could . " call spirits from the vasty deep ; " but nobody knows whether they came or not .
THE COMPOSITION OF THE CABINET . ( From the Morning Herald . ) Of the fifteen members of whom the Cabinet now consists , there are just six whom we do not know to be connected with the families we have named . Our knowledge of these relationships is , we confess , limited to the information afforded us by Burke and Debrett . It is very possible that even the six whom we regard as exceptions , are qualified for their ! offices by relationships that have escaped our not very deep research . The appointment , however , of four out of the six is certainly to be referred , to the influences of Whig traditional or family jeonnej ;
tions . . " ' ' . . ¦ . ~ ¦ To begin with the newly appointed Foreign Secretary . The Earl Granville is the first cousin of the Earl of Carlisle . He is doubly connected with the noble Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster as . being also the first cousin of his Grace the Duke of Sutherland and nephew of the Duke of " Devonshire . . As one of the younger members of the ducal house of Southerland , he has also the good fortune to stand in the relationship of a kinsman to Lord John Russell . . The Secretary for Foreign Affairs , cousin to the Prime Minister and to another leading member of the Cabinet , forms in himself no slight indication of the family influences that now control the Sovereign ' s selection of her advisers . The system of nominating to Cabinet offices members or connections of one or other of the families we ^ fave mentioned , will only be presented to the mind by a glance at the names of the Cabinet . We print the names of the Cabinet as it . is now constituted , distinguishing by a star those who are connected with the family alliance . The Cabinet Ministers are : — * Lord John Russell ., * Sir Charles Wood . Marquisi of Lansdowne . * Earl of Carlisle . * Lord Minto . ' * Mr . Labouchere . Lord Truro . n * Sir Francis Baring . ' * Lord Granville . Fox Maule . * Lord Grey . Lord Seymour . Lord Broughton . ' Marquis of Clanricarde . * Sir George Grey . To begin with Earl Grey , the head of the most powerful family connection . He is himself Secretary for the
Colonies . His brother-in-law , Sir Charles Wood , is Chancellor of the Exchequer . His cousin , Sir George Grey , is Secretary for the Home Department . Sir George brings with him a following—Sir Francis Baring , First Lord of the Admiralty , is brother-in-law of the Home Secretary ; Mr . Labouchere , the President of the Board of Trade , is cousin and brother-in-law of the First Lord of the Admiralty . ' ~ , No one certainly will deny that in the persons of these five Cabinet Ministers , the Grey connection is very fairly represented in the Councils of the Sovereign . The ducal house of Bedford supplies the Ptime Minister . He again is supported by his father-in-law , the Earl of Minto , and hia cousin , the newly appointed Secretary for Foreign Affairs , who again conveniently supplies a closer bond of union between his cousin the Prime Minister , and his cousin the Earl of Carlisle .
The alliances and cross alliances between the noble houses we have mentioned , and those of Cavendish , Gower , and Ponsonby , unite the nine Cabinet Ministers we have pointed out in the closest bonds of family connection . " „ The apointment of most of the remaining Cabinet Ministers is easily traced to the same spirit of aristocratic clanship , which makes the great offices of state the exclusive patrimony of a patrician coterie . The Marquis of Lanadowne , with all his talents and higjh character , vet represents in the Cabinet the' hereditary claims of the
Earl of Shelburno upon the Whig dynasty . Lord Seymour would never have been in the Cabinet if he were ttolthe son of a Whig duke . . Even the Chancellor , the Minister of all others whoso elevation might be ' supposed uninfluenced by aristocratic or family considerations , is indebted for his seat on the woolsack more to his alliance with the family of D'Este , than to his legal qualifications to bo the keeper of the great Seal . Lord Olanrioarde , the newly created Lord Broughton , and the son of Lord Panmure , hardly redeem the Cabinet from the imputation of exoluBlyenesa .
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ALLIANCE AND WAR . * KOSSUTH INT AMERICA . The reception given to Kossuth surpasses all that the most sanguine conceived . He has been oppressed with congratulations ; he has been overborne with felicitations . ' Corpprate bodies , military bodies , clerical bodies , privjate sectional bodies , ' , extempore band >; offoreigtt refugees , Trench , ' Italians , and Germans , all and sundry from the diverse population of New York , haveSyaited upon him tofelicitate , to applaud , to encourage , and to welcomey He has reviewed the militia ; he has been present at the Opera , Puritcmi being played specially for him , and the house froni pit to gallery literally covered with the red gr ^ en and white banner of Hungary ; he has heard the stirring and grateful cry of " Eljen Kossuth" from his own countrymen , and the Marsellaise from the French ; i and he had delivered an almost incredible number of speeches to enormous masses of people , within a few days from his landjiig . The streetsof-Ne w ^ orkramiT ^ h ^ pTrblic ~ places of "New York have been filled by day , while torch-light processions have enlivened the night . Congress , not without sturdy opposition , has resolved to receive him as a national guest ; and it is agreed that , though he has not served America like Lafayette , yet he deserves a hearty welcome from the American people ; for like Lafayette he has fought for nationality , and suffered imprisonment in the dungeons of Austria .
Not only barren words , but dollars , the last thing an American is disposed to give , have been offered to Kossuth . A considerable sum has been subscribed as the nucleus of a Hungarian fund ; and Austrian and Russian troops may yet have the fird of their musketry answered from arms bought with American coin . A more decidedly national ovation was never offered to any exiled soldier of liberty in any countryy not even excepting England . One distinct section of citizens only have abstained ; the Irish CathoKcS y Why this is we do not pretend to say . Judging from a letter of one of the exiled Young Irelandfers , it is hatred to England ; judging from the well-known absolutist sympathies of Archbishop Hughes , it is hatred of liberty .
.. There is a significant sentence in the New York Herald , on the appearance of Kossuth in the United States . The Herald says- ^ - *• The Kossuth excitemen tis increasing , Heepening , and widening in every direction . His mission , its objee-te , and its tendencies , cannot now easily be misunderstood . They comprehend the grand enterprise of a universal revolution throughout the civilised world—a political , religious , and social revolution—radical , complete , and universal . " What they say now they know of the Parisian coup d ' etat we can easily ^ imagine . What Kossuth is saying to the American people will interest ; us chiefly , as it bears upon the great question of thei day—the foreign policy of the United States ; and with this object we select a few passages from his two most important orations .
WHAT MAKES A NATION ? " What makes a nation ? Is it the language only ? Then there is no great , no powerful nation on earth , because there is no moderately large country in the world , whose population is counted by millions , where you would not find several languages spoken . No ; it is not language only which makes a nation . Community of interests , community of history , communities of rights and duties , but ' chiefly community of institutions of a population which , though perhaps different in tongue , and belonging to different races , is bound together by its daily intercoursf in their towns , the centres of their homely commerce and homely industry , the very mountain ranges , and system of
Tiyers and streams , the soil , the dust of which is mingled with the ashes of those ancestors who bled on the same field , for the same interest—the common inheritance of glory and . of woe , the community of laws , tie of institutions , tie of common freedom or common oppression—all this enters into the definition of a nation . . ... , On the European continent there unhappily grew up a school which bound the idea of a nation only to the idea of language , and joined political pretensions ^ to it . There are some who advocate the theory that existing countries must cease , and the territories of the world be anew divided by languages , and nations segregated by tonguea . You are aware that this idea , if it
were not impracticable , would be but a curse to humanity—a deathblow to civilization and progress , and throw mankind back by- centuries—it were an eternal source of strife to war , because there is a . holy , almost religious tie , by whioh man's heart to his home is bound , and no man ever would consent to abandon his native land onl y because his neighbours speak another language than he himself ; and , by this reason , claims for him that sacred spot where the ashes of his fathers lie—where his own cradle stood—where he dreamed the happy dreams of youth , and where nature itself bears a mark of his manhood ' s laborious toil . The idea ' were
worse than the old migration of nations was—despotism only would rise out of the strife , Mankind ' s fanaticism is really" very curious . Not ' one of the advocates of this mischievous theory is willing to yield to it for himselfbut > others he desires to yield to it . Every Frenchman becomes furious when his Alsace is claimed to Germany by the right of language—or the borders of his Pyrenees to Spain—but there are some amongst the very men who feel revolted at this idea , who claim for Germany that it should yield up large territory because one part of the inhabitants speak a different tongue , and would olaim from Hungary to divide its territory , whioh God himself has limited by its range of mountainfl and the system of
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Leader (1850-1860), Jan. 3, 1852, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct1916/page/4/
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